Human Rights in Egypt

2007-08-07T11:54:00.000-07:00

A Tragic Human Tug-of-Rope

In one of those incidents that seem so absurd that mark so many human rights violation, a Sudanese refugee was the rope in a "tug-of-war" between an Egyptian and Israeli soldier on Aug. 2. The refugee was attempting to cross the border fence into Israel, an example of just how desperate the situation has gotten for Sudanese in Egypt. Unfortunately, the Egyptian soldier won the contest, and the refugee is believed to be one of four Sudanese who were killed by Egyptian soldiers on that day.

Here's Amnesty's statement on the case:

The lives of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers, who daily try to cross the border from Egypt into Israel, may be in danger, following the use of excessive force by law enforcement officials in the area. This follows the reported death of two men believed to be of Sudanese origin, who were allegedly shot dead by Egyptian security forces as they attempted to cross the border during the night of 1 August 2007.

Egyptian official sources have denied that the shootings took place, although they have confirmed that two men were arrested by the Egyptian border police on 2 August, one of whom is said to be seriously injured. Amnesty International is concerned that Egypt and Israel may be sending law enforcement officials to the area who do not have the necessary training for dealing with crowd-control situations, thus putting the lives of more migrants, refugees and asylum seekers at risk.

Excessive use of force by the Egyptian security forces has increased over the last few weeks. Prior to this incident, a Sudanese woman died on 22 July 2007, after allegedly being shot by Egyptian security forces while she was attempting to cross the border with Israel. Other Sudanese, including an 11-year old girl, and a woman from the Ivory Coast were also injured at the scene. Twenty-two others from Sudan, Ivory Coast and Eritrea were also arrested by the Egyptian authorities.

Thousands of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers, who mostly come from Sudan and Eritrea as well as other parts of sub-Saharan Africa, try to cross from Egypt to Israel each year. Their numbers have been increasing in recent months and according to the Israeli Minister of Interior Roni Bar-On some 300 try to cross into Israel every week. Hundreds more are believed to be preparing to try to cross the same border.

Amnesty is calling for people to contact the Egyptian Embassy and President Mubarak. We want them to assure us that they will meet their international obligations to protect the lives of migrants and not use unneccessary force. We also want them to conduct an impartial and independent investigation of these alleged killings.

Here's Mubarak's address -- his e-mail account most recently isn't working again --

His Excellency Mohammad Hosni Mubarak
President of the Arab Republic of Egypt
'Abedine Palace
Cairo
Egypt
Fax: +20223901998

The Egyptian embassy can be reached at 202.895.5400

2007-08-06T13:43:00.000-07:00

Message to President Mubarak: MB Trials Must be Open

Amnesty International announced today that it has written to Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, urging him to ensure that independent observers are permitted access to the trial of 40 members of the Muslim Brotherhood, scheduled to resume before the Supreme Military Court in Cairo on Sunday.

The organization made this call following two earlier trial hearings when legal observers sent by Amnesty International and other human rights organizations were barred from entering the court.

"We look to President Mubarak, as Egypt's highest authority, to open the doors to this important trial," said Amnesty International's Secretary General Irene Khan. "He should clear the way for it to receive the scrutiny it deserves."

Amnesty International's trial observer, Jordanian lawyer Samieh Khreis, was previously among a number of international and Egyptian legal observers who were turned away by security officials when they attempted to enter the Supreme Military Court during its last session on 15 July. Observers were also turned away when they attempted to attend a previous session of the trial on 3 June 2007.

Egyptian authorities have given no explanation to date for their refusal to allow independent observers to attend the trial, adding to concerns about its fairness.

The 40 defendants facing trial on 5 August 2007 include leading members of the Muslim Brotherhood, who face charges of terrorism and money-laundering that could incur the death penalty.

All are being tried before a military court on the express instructions of President Mubarak -- using powers under a 1966 law -- although none hold any position within Egypt's armed forces.

Seventeen of the 40 were previously tried but acquitted on the same charges by a Cairo criminal court.

"We unreservedly oppose the Egyptian government's use of military courts to try civilians," said Irene Khan.

"In Egypt's military courts judges are serving members of the armed forces and military courts cannot be seen as independent and impartial tribunals for civilians. Their use for highly-charged political cases -- such as the current trial of leading members of the Muslim Brotherhood -- suggests that the defendants may be denied a fair trial."

"The fact that the government has so far denied international observers access to the court only exacerbates our grave concerns." Ms Khan said

2007-07-05T18:54:00.000-07:00

Death Sentences after Unfair Trials

Three Egyptian men are facing a death sentences after being convicted of involvement in the 2004 Taba bombings in which at least 34 people were killed and many more injured. Amnesty International doesn't know if Muhammed Gayiz Sabbah, Usama ‘Abd al-Ghani
al-Nakhlawi and Yunis Muhammed Abu Gareer were involved in the bombings. It does, however, know that they face execution after an unfair trial before a special court and that their convictions are based on “confessions” extracted under torture. If the Egyptian state does execute these men, it will have arbitrarily deprived them of their right to life and violated international law.

Why does Amnesty International get involved in these cases? Because these men were condemned after unfair proceedings; tortured; denied justice by State of Emergency provisions; and because the death penalty is the ultimate in the denial of the right to life and cruel and unusual punishment. These are the core human rights violations in Egypt -- they affect not just people accused of crimes against the nation's security, but against all Egyptian citizens. We can not attack human rights violations and be blind to those abuses that occur, according to the state, in the name of national security.

Please write to the Egyptian authorities calling on them
to:
Halt the executions of Muhammed Gayiz Sabbah, Usama ‘Abd al-Ghani al-Nakhlawi and Yunis
Muhammed Abu Gareer, who were sentenced to death after a grossly unfair trial.
Ensure that all those convicted in this case are retried before an ordinary criminal court in proceedings that meet international fair trial standards, including the right to appeal.
Order a thorough and impartial investigation into all allegations of torture and other ill-treatment, bring to justice those responsible for any abuses, and give full
reparation to the victims.
Commute all death sentences and announce a moratorium on the death penalty with a view to abolition.

2007-06-13T14:17:00.000-07:00

Ayman Nour, suffering in prison

Ayman Nour is in prison, but he's not been forgotten. Unfortunately, conditions appear to be getting worse for him.

The former presidential candidate who was convicted on what many human rights and democracy activists believe to be patently phony charges related to his political party, was allegedly assaulted in court by prison guards, his wife said in May. She has sent out several post-assault photos of him -- one is left. Other images can be found here. There are questions about whether he will survive his jail term, although a state-controlled medical board recently ruled he was healthy enough to fulfill the full sentence.

Egyptian democracy continues to get beaten. It is resilient, there is reason for hope. But Ayman Nour and his wife Gameela need our support. It's easier to remain strong and resilient when you know you are not alone.

The Reuters story here details Nour's allegations. The former leader of the Ghad (Tomorrow) Party suffers from a number of ailments, including irregular heartbeats.

2007-06-11T13:24:00.000-07:00

Egyptians are voting; Where is Amr Tharwat?

Shura legislative council elections began today throughout Egypt, with the elections already marred by violence, a crackdown on the Muslim Brothers, and the disappearance of Amr Tharwat and others.

It's an ugly scene. The first priority should be to find where is Amr Tharwat and the others arrested with him. To repeat, the four arrested and their ages are Adellatif Mohamed Saied, aged 40; Ahmed Dahmash, 30; Abdelhamed Abdelrahman, 26, and Amr Tharwat, aged 25. No legal charges have been brought against any of them. Prison authorities continue to deny that they are being held. I talked with colleagues in Egypt today who informed me that every day they try a new prison and they are always turned away. Very simply, for more than a week now, the four have been disappeared.

The four are members of a Islamist religious group set up by Tharwat's uncle. The group's aim is to counter the influence of violent Islamists. Group members say that although their group is peaceful, they have faced both threats from armed Islamist groups and the government. Like much of civil society, the group is caught in the middle of two bodies each eager to wipe out any vital center.

Please contact the Egyptian embassy about the case and ask that the four either be released or publicly charged with a recognizably criminal charge. You can call the embassy at (202)895-5400.

2007-06-08T12:24:00.000-07:00

America, Egypt, Italy and the Kidnapping Business

The Middle East Times begins its report today with the line "America is in the kidnapping business." The line has shock value, but it's accuracy is getting harder to deny. All of this unfortunately is making the work of human rights activists in Egypt more difficult.

Three different events occurred this week to bring the kidnapping business into light. One, Amnesty International and a number of other HR organizations issued a joint statement citing evidence that 39 people had been "disappeared" by the CIA. It's not just terror suspects. Our documentation indicates that suspects' relatives, including wives and children as young as seven, have been held in secret detention.

Second, in Italy this week, a number of Italian intelligence agents and 26 CIA agents went on trial for the kidnapping of Egyptian national Abu Omar. Omar was taken to Egypt, held in detention for almost four years and tortured on several occasions before being released. Here's the BBC report on the first day of the trial.

Finally, today the European Union released its report on CIA jails in Europe. Investigators uncovered proof that jails in Poland and Romania held secret detainees outside of the legal system. Here's Amnesty's reponse to the report.

Together, the picture is painted of a system where individuals, both suspect and innocent, are subject to kidnapping and secret detention with no access to legal rights or to anyone outside of the prison for that fact. It's a system that has been tried in many places before, such as Egypt, and frankly I don't believe it's been all that effective, or at least any more effective than traditional and standard legal techniques. What is clear is that when it comes time to taking a stand against torture, against illegal and prolonged detention and against secret trials, a country that builds the system as described in these three reports doesn't have much credibility... or effectiveness.

2007-06-07T14:05:00.000-07:00

More on Election Arrests

The Egyptian government is arresting opponents prior to the shura elections, and it is arresting them in large numbers and with impunity. It calls for outrage.

Yesterday, I wrote about the attack on Muslim Brothers; today comes information about related arrests. The information comes from Mr. Saad Ibrahim, director of the well-known Ibn Khaldun Center, which has promoted human rights and democratic development in Egypt for years. He himself is a former prisoner of conscience. This time one of the arrestees involves a staff member at the center. The concerns are even greater because Saad has attempted to get information and contact the detainee without success for a week now.

Here's what Saad has to say:

"On Wednesday May 30th, Amr Tharwat an Ibn Khaldun employee, was arrested by Egyptian State Security at his families' residence in Matereya. Mr. Tharwat was the major organizer of the recent Shura Election monitoring as well as the Ibn Khaldun public opinion polling that was carried out earlier this year. In addition to Mr. Tharwat, the Egyptian authorities arrested four other people staying at the house of Dr. Ahmed Sobhy (Adellatif Mohamed Saied, Ahmed Dahmash, Abdelhamed Abdelrahman, Ahmed El Sayed, Amr Tharwat) and confiscated files, books, and computers that were found on the premises.

"Those arrested were originally taken to the Shubra El Khima police station, but in the seven days since their arrest nothing has been heard regarding there whereabouts or the nature of the charges filed against them. Several human rights organizations as well as the team of lawyers working on this case have made repeated requests to the Egyptian government regarding this issue and have received no response until now.

Some speculate that the group was arrested due to their involvement in the religious "Quranic" movement which stresses the importance of the Quran over the Sunna and Hadith. A website was recently constructed for the movement which has gained notoriety for criticizing fatwas issued by Al Azhar authorities. "

Please express your outrage to Ambassador Nabil Fahmy at the Egyptian embassy. The number is 202.895.5400. The e-mail address is Embassy@egyptembassy.net, but we've found in the past that when large numbers of protests are sent to the embassy, the e-mail stops working.

Also please contact the U.S. Secretary of State urging her to press the Egyptian government to stop the harassment of political opponents and democratic activists in the run-up to the shura elections. Secretary Rice can be reached by phone at 202-647-4000 e-mail here.

2007-06-06T18:54:00.000-07:00

It must be election time in Egypt. That's because political opposition candidates are getting arrested. This time around its the Muslim Brotherhood, again, considered to be one of the strongest opposition parties.

The BBC and the Middle East Times reports that 79 members of the banned party were arrested over the past three days. Two of those detained are candidates for the upcoming shura elections. According to MB representatives, the individuals are being charged with using religious slogans. Here's the Middle East Times story. And here is the Muslim Brothers' account of the arrest of one of the shura candidates.

This is a story repeated several times over the past decade. The Mubarak government's standard operating procedure has been to control the democratic process at election time through a series of attacks on opposition rallies, independent election observers, opposition press and sometimes the candidates themselves.

The people of Egypt deserve better. There are thousands of Egyptians working to have a better political system, to open it to more voices and to attempt to reach consensus in a positive political way. In the name of stability and the war on terror, we repeatedly are expected to look the other direction when these activist's efforts are thwarted by an aging and unyielding regime.

2007-06-06T18:40:00.000-07:00

UPDATE on Sameh

A U.S. judge has granted a stay of deportation for Sameh until Monday, June 18. A new hearing will be held prior to consider his claims. Thank you to everyone who assisted.

2007-06-05T14:19:00.000-07:00

URGENT ACTION: Act to Halt Deportation Proceedings of Copt

Amnesty today is raising concerns that Sameh Khouzam, an Egyptian Copt who allegedly is wanted on murder charges in Egypt could be forcibly returned to Egypt on June 7. The deportation is based on assurances the U.S. has received that he would not be tortured upon his return. We believe that the U.S. can not rely on such assurances, that torture is likely and that as a Copt he could be in particular danger of torture. Here is the full statement: Addresses to contact are below:

Sameh Khouzam (m), Egyptian national

Egyptian national Sameh Khouzam is in imminent danger of being forcibly returned to Egypt. A court order preventing this will expire on 7 June. Amnesty International fears that he would be at risk of torture or other ill-treatment if returned.

He fled Egypt in 1998 after reportedly being tortured and otherwise ill-treated by the Egyptian police because of his Coptic Christian religious beliefs. He alleges that he and his family had been subjected to a sustained campaign of intimidation and abuse on account of his refusal to convert to Islam. On one occasion in 1997 he alleges that he was beaten and sexually abused in a police station. The Egyptian authorities have reportedly told the US State Department that he is wanted in Egypt on a murder charge.

Sameh Khouzam was detained when he arrived in the US in February 1998. He applied for asylum, but his application was turned down after the Egyptian authorities reported the murder charge. The immigration judge ordered his immediate removal from the USA. However, in 2004 an appeals court found that it was â€œmore likely than notâ€ that Sameh Khouzam would be tortured if returned to Egypt and ruled that he should not be removed.

Sameh Khouzam was held in US immigration detention until February 2006, when he was released on condition that he report regularly to the immigration authorities. However on 29 May 2007, he was taken into custody again and told that he could be returned to Egypt within days. He is believed to have received a letter from the US Department of Homeland Security stating that it had received diplomatic assurances from the Egyptian authorities that he would not be tortured on his return.

On 31 May, a US court granted a one-week stay of removal which is due to expire on 7 June. Amnesty International fears he could be returned to Egypt on or shortly after that date. In Egypt everyone taken into detention is at risk of torture or other ill-treatment, especially political detainees.

Amnesty International continues to receive well-supported allegations of torture and ill-treatment in Egypt. Some people taken to police stations in connection with minor offences are tortured or ill-treated to force them to confess; others are detained without being accused of anything.

The torture takes various forms. The most frequently reported methods are beatings; electric shocks; suspension by the wrists and ankles and in contorted positions for long periods; and threats that the victim or their relatives will be killed, raped or otherwise sexually assaulted.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Amnesty International opposes the use of diplomatic assurances when they are used to circumvent statesâ€™ international legal obligations, believing that such arrangements cannot be trusted and that reliance on them when seeking to expel people to countries where they risk torture or other ill-treatment violates statesâ€™ obligations under international law.

Under international law, states are under an absolute and unconditional obligation not to expel, return or extradite any person to a country where they risk torture or other ill-treatment (the principle of non-refoulement). This obligation applies to all states, irrespective of whether they have signed up to the relevant human rights treaties, and to all forms of involuntary transfer, including extradition, deportation after serving a criminal sentence, or removal after refusal of asylum. It is absolute â€“ it permits no exceptions arising from circumstances such as war or public emergency, or individual factors such as offences allegedly committed, or danger posed, by the individual concerned. There are no international or regional treaty provisions, explicit or implicit, for the use of such assurances to alleviate a stateâ€™s absolute obligation to respect the principle of non-refoulement.

Recently, using the justification of the "war on terror", diplomatic assurances have been increasingly used as a basis for sending certain individuals to countries where the sending government acknowledges that it would otherwise be prohibited from doing so, because they would risk torture or other ill-treatment. In these circumstances reliance on diplomatic assurances amounts to a circumvention of statesâ€™ obligations under the principle of non-refoulement.

RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in English or your own language:
- expressing concern that Sameh Khouzam may be at risk of torture or ill-treatment if returned to Egypt, and calling on the US authorities to halt his deportation;
- calling on them never to rely on diplomatic assurances when deciding whether a person is at risk of torture or ill-treatment if transferred to another country;
- calling on them to reaffirm the absolute nature of the obligation under international law not to transfer any person to a country where there are substantial grounds for believing that he or she would be in danger of being subjected to torture or other ill-treatment.

APPEALS TO:

The Honorable Condoleezza Rice
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
2201 C Street, N.W.
Washington DC 20520, USA
Fax: +1 202 261 8577
E-mail: Secretary@state.gov
Salutation: Dear Secretary of State

The Honorable Michael Chertoff
Secretary of Homeland Security
US Department of Homeland Security
Washington DC 20528, USA
Fax: +1 202 456 2461
Salutation: Dear Secretary Chertoff

COPIES TO:

The Honorable Alberto Gonzales
U.S. Department of Justice
950 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington DC 20530-0001, USA
Fax: +1 202 307 6777
Email: AskDOJ@usdoj.gov
Salutation: Dear Attorney General

2007-06-04T14:15:00.000-07:00

Government Takes Steps to Ensure MB Trial Kept from Public Scrutiny

Amnesty International today released the following statement:

The Egyptian government yesterday refused to allow human rights groups to observe the military trial of 33 leading members of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, undercutting the government’s claims that civilians will have a fair trial before military courts, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch said today.

Amnesty International, the Arab Commission for Human Rights, the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights, and Human Rights Watch had sent observers to monitor the trial of 33 leading members of the Brotherhood. None of the groups was allowed to attend. Among the accused is Khairat al-Shatir, the organization’s deputy supreme guide, who was arrested on December 14, 2006, along with 16 other prominent Muslim Brotherhood members in predawn raids. They were subsequently charged with membership in a banned organization, providing students with weapons and military training. On January 29, 2007, a Cairo criminal court dismissed all charges against al-Shatir and his co-defendants and ordered their immediate release. Security forces re-arrested the men moments after the ruling, and on February 4, President Hosni Mubarak, ignoring the court’s verdict, ordered the cases, and those of 23 other alleged members of the Brotherhood, transferred to a military court. On May 8, a Cairo administrative court ruled that President Mubarak’s order was invalid, but on May 14, the Supreme Administrative court reversed that decision after the government appealed. After the June 3 session, the court adjourned until July 15.

The trial observers arrived at the outskirts of Haikstip Military Camp, northeast of Cairo, at 9 a.m. and negotiated with officers at the scene and representatives of several ministries until 2 p.m., when a man in civilian clothes and military intelligence officers finally told them they would not be allowed in. Lawyers, daughters, and wives of the accused were allowed to attend the trial.

“Twelve years ago the court granted me unfettered access when I observed the military trial of senior members of the Muslim Brotherhood,” said Palestinian lawyer Anis Kassim, Amnesty International’s senior trial observer. “I am extremely disappointed in the government’s attitude this time.”

For the full statement, click here.

When the Mubarak government feels like they have something to hide, they do so with good reason. Open, public trials are a cornerstone to a transparent, healthy and independent judicial system, something the Egyptians have taken much pride in until the Mubarak government has attempted to remove all three of those adjectives from it. We have heard promises that military and security courts would be ended. There can be no doubt now that those promises will never be met.

2007-06-01T14:11:00.000-07:00

Egyptian Blogger Disappears?

Unfortunately there is a new turn in the case of Abdel Moneim Mahmoud. According to friends, he was scheduled to be released on May 30. Instead he was taken, allegedly, to the Alexandria Transfers Department in Alexandria, Egypt, where prisoners are taken for processing. According to Moneim's attorney, Islam Lofty, Moneim was able to send several messages to him during the process.

Then nothing. The third and last message the attorney received indicated that Moneim arrived at the department in the early hours of June 1. But when Lofty attempted to reach Moneim there, authorities denied he was there.

"It is illegal to keep Monem for more than 24 hours after his release. I am worried Monem is being subject to re-interrogation by State Security, or even torture and re-detention," Lotfy stated.

Amnesty International has documented that prisoners are at greatest risk for torture when their whereabouts are kept secret or are denied. Urgent action is requested. Please call the Egyptian embassy and tell Ambassador Nabil Fahmy that we are concerned about the status of this prisoner of conscience. The embassy can be reached at 202.895.5400. Click here to find out addresses of consulate offices in other parts of the country.

2007-05-31T19:45:00.000-07:00

Update on Karim Amer

Yesterday I wrote about Egyptian blogger Abdel Moneim's problems with the law and compared it to those of blogger Karim Amer. Today there is new information about Amer's case.
Two representatives of an Egyptian human rights consortium was able to meet with Amer this week. Activists have been concerned that Amer was sent into solitary confinement in prison for more than 60 days between March and May. The punishment was not justified, the representatives said and was in contradiction to normal Egyptian procedure. The confinement seemed to coincide with the appearance at the jail of Egyptian prosecutors.
There's been some controversy about funds raised for Karim's defense. Some of his opponents have used the efforts to label him as an outsider who is against Egypt and who is benefiting financially from the situation. Nothing could be farther from the truth.
While Karim doesn't need financial support for his defense, he does need other kind of support. The representatives sent out an appeal for people around the world to write Karim and offer support. He still faces a four year sentence, and while work is still continuing on his case, writing to him directly will be the best way for him to maintain his spirits. I encourage anyone who cares about the case to support him directly by writing. At a time when diplomatic and political approaches don't seem to work, we need to find other means to support Egyptian human rights defenders. Sometimes the most effective way to ensure they continue their work is to let them know they are not alone.
Below is his address.
Address of Correspondence
Alexandria
Borg Al-Arab Prison
Room 5 Section 2 -
Abdel Kareem Nabil Soliman

2007-05-31T04:09:00.000-07:00

Human Rights and the Muslim Brothers

Karim Amer has attracted some attention in the American media and from some American politicians, as well as he should. The heavy-handed and politically motivated arrest and conviction of the Egyptian blogger for his peaceful exercise of freedom of speech is just another example of how this government seeks to muzzle civil society and is determined to shut down the Internet as a force for civil society and democratic change.
But fewer Americans know about Abdel Moneim Mahmoud, and they should. Like Karim, Abdel is an Egyptian blogger who has brought attention to human rights abuses in Egypt. Like Karim, Abdel now is in detention and faces criminal charges for his activity. Like Karim, Abdel has been declared a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International
Abdel in particular has done much to publicize abuses about torture in Egypt, which as I've mentioned I believe to be one of the core human rights concerns in the country. He's met with Amnesty International officials previously on the topic, and the organization is concerned that meetings with AI and other international groups may be one of the reason for his arrest.
But Abdel is a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, and that may be one obstacle to Americans speaking out on his case. It shouldn't.
I don't agree with basic MB positions on a lot of issues, and the organization has a past history that is connected to violence. But since the mid-1990s, the organization has renounced violence, and pledged to seek political change through non-violent means, specifically the ballot box. And they've been somewhat successful, and for that success it has faced significant oppression from the government, Abdel's arrest just being the latest in a long line of detentions.
And frankly its success has some American policymakers scared. It's hard for Americans to take on support for political Islamists.
But Egyptian human rights activists have no such reluctance, as seen by this statement from a consortium of Egyptian HR groups, and they're watching us to see if we're following.
This is a clear example of why it's important to have a single standard in applying human rights. Doing human rights work requires setting priorities to be effective, but if those priorities are skewed by non-human rights concerns, such as fear of political Islamists, it's not going to be credible. Credibility is essential to the effectiveness of this work. That doesn't mean we have to work on every possible case -- we can't. But over the long term, that work must reflect the general pattern of HR concerns in a region.
For more about the Abdel's case, click here.
Please write a letter to the Egyptian ambassador declaring Abdel Moneim Mahmoud to be a prisoner of conscience and call for his immediate and unconditional release. Also ask that Egyptian officials stop the continued harassment of Egyptian bloggers, reminding them of their responsibilities under international agreements and the Egyptian constitution to protect citizens' peaceful expression of their freedom of speech.
Address
Ambassador Nabil Fahmy
3521 International Ct. NW
Washington DC 20008

2007-03-19T12:01:00.000-07:00

Amnesty Concerns on Constitutional Changes

Amnesty International today called on Egyptian members of parliament to reject proposed amendments to the country's constitution, which the organization described as the most serious undermining of human rights safeguards in Egypt since the state of emergency was re-imposed in 1981.

The appeal came as the Egyptian Parliament prepared to approve this Sunday amendments to 34 articles of the constitution, including Article 179. The amendments to this Article would give sweeping powers of arrest to the police, grant broad authority to monitor private communications and allow the Egyptian president to bypass ordinary courts and refer people suspected of terrorism to military and special courts, in which they would be unlikely to receive fair trials.

"The proposed constitutional amendments would simply entrench the long-standing system of abuse under Egypt's state of emergency powers and give the misuse of those powers a bogus legitimacy. Instead of putting an end to the secret detentions, enforced "disappearances", torture and unfair trials before emergency and military courts, Egyptian MPs are now being asked to sign away even the constitutional protections against such human rights violations,” said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, Deputy Director of Amnesty International's Middle East and North Africa program.

The amendment of Article 179 would pave the way for the introduction of a new anti-terrorism law that would undermine the principle of individual freedom [Article 41(1)], privacy of the home [Article 44] and privacy of correspondence, telephone calls and other communication [Article 45(2)]. The amendments would also grant the president the right to interfere in the judiciary by bypassing ordinary courts, including by referring people suspected of terrorism-related offences to military courts.

If approved by parliament, the amendments to Article 179 will be put to a popular referendum on 4 April along with amendments to 33 other articles of the Constitution. Egyptian NGOs and others have also expressed grave concerns about these other amendments including those which would ban the establishment of political parties based on religion and reduce the role of the judges in supervising elections and referendums. The first is seen as part of a government strategy to undermine the opposition Muslim Brotherhood following its improved showing in the 2005 elections. The second is seen as an attempt to prevent any repetition of events last year, when two leading judges denounced the government's failure to take action in response to evidence of electoral fraud during the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2005.

The amendments are being presented to MPs as a package on which they must vote yes or no. They cannot accept some and reject others, nor can they open up any of the proposed amendments for further parliamentary review.

"Amnesty International recognises the threat posed to Egypt by terrorism, but respect for and protection of fundamental human rights cannot simply be swept away by a majority vote," said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui.

"By pushing through these amendments, the government will write into the permanent law emergency-style powers that have been used to violate human rights over more than two decades, so that when it then bows at last to international criticism and lifts the state of emergency the impact will be no more than cosmetic. The parliament should not rubber stamp this. Instead, it should reject the amendments and insist that Egypt's national law adequately safeguards the universal rights enshrined under international law which Egypt has committed, but so conspicuously failed, to uphold."

Amnesty International firmly believes that the current constitutional reform must be seized as an opportunity to further strengthen human rights protection and to break with the practices of the past. None of the provisions of the emergency legislation should be entrenched in the new law or protected by the constitution.

Background

The proposed amendment of Article 179 stipulates the following:

“The State shall work to safeguard the general discipline and security in the face of the dangers of terror. The law shall regulate the provisions related to the measures of conclusion and investigation necessary for combating those dangers under the supervision of the Judiciary in a way that the measure stipulated in the first paragraph of Article 41 and Article 44 and the second paragraph of Article 45 of the Constitution not to hinder putting those provisions into effect.

The President of the Republic may submit any crime of terror crimes to any judicial body stipulated in the Constitution or the law.”

Demonstrators calling for rejection of the constitutional amendments were dispersed by police in Cairo on Friday. Scores were arrested and detained; most were quickly released but some 23 have been charged with public order offenses.

2007-03-13T14:07:00.000-07:00

Karim Amer's Sentence Upheld

The Alexandria Appeals Court affirmed today the 4 years imprisonment of Egyptian blogger, Abdel Kareem Suliman Amer, passed by the first degree court for insulting Islam and the president of Egypt.

The result was not unexpected. The Mubarak government is imperious to much of the international outrage, and unfortunately despite the strong protests of Egyptian human rights activists, there is also a backlash against Amer in the country because of his unpopular views on religion. That's important because the internal pressure has been very important in making the Mubarak government act, and again despite strong statement from many activists, in bulk, the government certainly doesn't seem threatened by it and in fact it probably is using this case as one of its periodic efforts to shore up its credentials with the religious community.

Here's a link to a full report from an Egyptian human rights network.

2007-03-06T09:24:00.000-08:00

DOS Report on Egypt: The Good and the Ugly

The Department of State today released the annual human rights report and it contains its usual sharp and finely documented criticism of the Egyptian human rights record as "poor." You can find it here.

So why aren't activists excited? This used to be a report that gave strength to the Egyptian activists, confirmation of their concerns. The reason is the report fails to acknowledge U.S. complicity in some of the very abuses it documents. The War on Terror, and particularly the extraordinary renditions have put dozens of Egyptians at risk for torture. The irony is the the report again singles out the Egyptian record on torture for criticism. All true, but not true enough.

I haven't heard it, but I've been told that at the conference releasing the report, Secretary of State Rice stated that the U.S. human rights record isn't perfect. That's something I haven't heard from this administration before. That's too little too late, but somewhere we have to start taking the steps to rebuilding the credibility. I don't want to be too harsh on the DOS report, because once it served a very important tool for human rights and democracy work. I'm hopeful, one day, it will again.

Here's the Washington Post article on the report, with comments by AI's Larry Cox singling out Egypt.

2007-02-28T14:20:00.000-08:00

Phony Reform?

A lot of people this month are reading articles 41, 42, 43 and 45 of the Egyptian Constitution. They are articles governing key aspects of the Egyptian political process. Activists have long hoped that the constitution could be rewritten to encourage more political openness. Now the Egyptian government and President Mubarak have moved forward in doing just that, proposing changes to 34 constitutional articles, including those mentioned above. But he has a different idea of reform than that of democratic activists.

Click here for a look at the politics from Al-Ahram Weekly.

2007-02-22T06:20:00.000-08:00

Karim Amer sentenced to Four Years

Blogger Karim Amer today was sentenced to four years in jail for "disparaging remarks about Egyptian President Mubarak," according to Egyptian activists. This very troubling result will bring about a further chilling climate for free speech and democratic activism, both online and in other public venues. Amnesty International has declared Karim to be a prisoner of conscience. In today's statement, Amnesty condemns the conviction.

"This sentence is yet another slap in the face of freedom of expression in Egypt," said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, Middle East and North Africa Deputy Programme Director. "The Egyptian authorities must protect the peaceful exercise of freedom of expression, even if the views expressed might be perceived by some as offensive. Amnesty International considers Karim Amer to be a prisoner of conscience who is being prosecuted on account of the peaceful expression of his views."

"It is a gloomy day for all the advocators of freedom of expression not only in Egypt but also in the whole world," Gamal Eid, HRinfo Executive director said. "When a young man is punished for having secular views in a country claiming respect to citizens' right to freedom of expression, it is a catastrophe. The democratic countries all over the world have already expelled such charges from their laws".

For a fuller update on the case, click here.

All activists are urged to take action. Once again the key places to protest are with the Egyptian ambassador.

Ambassador Nabil Fahmy
Embassy of the Arab Republic of Egypt
3521 International Court N.W., Washington, D.C., 20008
202-895-5400

The embassy e-mail is embassy@egyptembdc.org

Habib Ibrahim El Adly
Minister of the Interior
25 Al-Sheikh Rihan Street
Bab al-Louk
Cairo
EGYPT
e-mail: moi@idsc.gov.eg

Counsellor Mamdouh Mohyiddin Marie
Minister of Justice
Ministry of Justice
Midan Lazoghly
Cairo
EGYPT
e-mail: mojeb@idsc.gov.eg

You can also support Karim by adding comments to his website, or by adding comments to the Free Kareem website here.

2007-02-21T14:15:00.000-08:00

Keeping Up the Pressure on Blogger's Case

Amnesty today released a web feature on Karim Amer, the blogger facing a 10-year sentence for his blogging activities. Here's a link to the feature and a link to a previous statement on the case. And here is a link to Karim's own blog (in Arabic).

Charges against Karim Amer include "spreading information disruptive of public order and damaging to the country's reputation", "incitement to hate Islam" and "defaming the President of the Republic".

Amnesty states, "His trial is particularly worrying as the Egyptian blogsphere is expanding as an area of free expression and bloggers have increasingly been posting information about human rights abuses in Egypt, including allegations of torture and police violence against peaceful protesters. Their writings and postings of information on human rights violations, including graphic evidence of such abuses, have been relayed by international media and highlighted by national and international human rights organizations, putting pressure on the Egyptian authorities to open investigations into some of these allegations."

Amnesty has declared Karim to be a prisoner of conscience. If you want to take action on this case, in the U.S. you should write letters of support for Kareem to the Egyptian ambassador:

Ambassador Nabil Fahmy
Embassy of the Arab Republic of Egypt
3521 International Court N.W., Washington, D.C., 20008
202-895-5400

You can also support Karim by adding comments to his website, or by adding comments to the Free Kareem website here.

2007-02-20T13:53:00.000-08:00

Collective Punishment in Egypt

A new report from the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights focuses attention on the problem of collective punishment in Egypt.

This report looks at the history of mass arrests by Egyptian officials to target ethnic, social, religious or other groups for crimes committed by a few. This of course violates international human rights standards, diminishes the fabric of civic society, entrenches human rights abuses within the judicial system and generally is ineffective in stopping crime. After the Taba bombings in 2004, EOHR reported that more than 4,000 people were arrested, almost all of whom ended up being released after being jailed in poor conditions, some for long periods of time.

Collective punishment also is often accompanied by violence by police officers, as they attempt to round up large number of people. EOHR that several recent episodes of collective punishment have resulted in deaths and large number of injuries to civilians.

Yesterday we wrote about how Egyptian officials detained family members of suspects. Collective punishment is the same unhealthy principle, writ large.

Here's a link to the EOHR report.

2007-02-19T14:12:00.000-08:00

Retribution for Torture Complaint?

A prominent Egyptian blogger is reporting that Ihabd Magdi Farouk, a 19-year-old Egyptian who is reporting that he was tortured by Egyptian police, was sentenced to three months in jail for mobile phone theft. Activists fear that the conviction was part of the police's efforts to force him to retract his allegation of torture. The police officers have been arrested and face a March 3 court date.

One thing that's interesting and different about this case is when police went looking for Farouk after he made the torture allegation, they detained family members in order to convince himself to turn himself in. This egregious behavior is not unheard of in Egypt, (see "Women Targeted by Association") but it violates all kinds of legal standards.

Here's a previous posting I made on this case.

Here's what the Egyptian blogger, 3arabawy, is writing about the update.

2007-02-17T06:16:00.000-08:00

Rendition Case Released

An Egyptian who is at the heart of a CIA controversy in Italy was released by Egyptian officials after nearly three years in Egyptian detention. The BBC is reporting that Hassan Mustafa Osama Nasr ("Abu Omar") was now with his family. Click here for the BBC story. The Washington Post story adds that Abu Omar is considering a lawsuit against those involved in his kidnapping.

In mid-2004, Hassan Mustafa Osama Nasr was abducted on a street in Milan and allegedly driven to the US air base in Aviano, Italy, interrogated, drugged and taken to the US military base in Ramstein in Germany. From there he was flown to Egypt, where he was allegedly tortured, including with electric shocks. A year later, an Italian judge ordered 25 CIA officials to be indicted for involvement in the illegal rendition; however none have been arrested and are ever expected to be so.

The BBC story says Abu Omar continues to allege he was tortured while in detention. He was said to have been charged with membership in an illegal organization, but he never was convicted of anything while in detention.

Now that Abu Omar has been released, it's time to ask what did the United States gain from his rendition and torture? The world isn't any safer, but it is different. Reportedly, the rendition interrupted an ongoing Italian investigation into Abu Omar, which could have brought appropriate criminal charges against the cleric. But these days, waiting for legitimate judicial processes to do its work seems, well, quaint.

Later this month, the U.S. State Department will release its annual human rights report, which likely will criticize Egypt for its record of systematic torture. The HR report used to be something Egyptian activists looked forward to and something that brought angry condemnations from Egyptian officials. This year, reading the section on torture can only bring sadness to activists and laughter from the government officials; both will know the depths of U.S. complicity in the very abuses it criticizes.

It's hard to figure out whether to focus on moral concerns about rendition or the straight-forward political nuts-and-bolts aspects of the policy. On either end, the policy is a loser.

Click here to see a "Denounce Torture" Amnesty action on this case.

2007-02-16T19:02:00.000-08:00

Crackdown on MB Deepens

Arrests of Muslim Brothers is a recurring story in Egypt, but the number and intensity of the current crackdown seems to indicate something different about this one. The organization announced Friday that 81 members were detained this week.

Among the detainees is Doctor Gamal Abdul Salam (Secretary-General of relief committee in Arab Doctors' Union and an ex-Muslim Brotherhood candidate in 2005 People's Assembly elections for Qasr Al-Neel constituency). The detainees were ordered held for 15 days pending investigation on charges of belonging to the Muslim Brotherhood group and inciting the public opinion against the regime, according to the MB's website.

The arrests brings the total of MB arrests in recent months to 300.

As with all crackdown on the banned organization, the question always is why now? On some past occasions, the arrests have been a straightforward effort to prevent MB members from running for office. And that could be the case now. In April, Egyptians go to the polls to elect members to the shura council. The process will also effect proposed constitutional changes that are important to the Mubarak government.

One last thing: I want the underscore the charge of "inciting public opinion against the government." A lot of people don't like the Muslim Brothers. Their politics scare a lot of American policymakers. But when when people get arrested for things like "inciting public opinion against the government," that's when you need to put away political considerations and do the needed human rights and democracy activism.

For more on the story from the Muslim Brothers website, click here.

Here's the BBC's report on the arrests.

2007-02-12T10:16:00.000-08:00

Reports of Labor Strife

Al-Ahram newspaper reports a number of strikes in recent weeks in Egypt, perhaps a sign of more vigorous opposition by the labor movement. The headlines calls the sweep of strikes "unprecedented," which is probably overstating it, but certainly the government has taken measure to ensure the stifling of the growth of an independent labor movement.

The strikes included 4,200 workers at factories at Misr Shebin Al-Kom Spinning and Weaving Company in the Delta region comes following the sale of the company to a private Indian firm. One thing that is interesting about the case is that the workers are striking to force the government and company to fulfill promises about bonuses. The workers aren’t protesting the sale to the private investor. In fact, the newspaper quotes one worker as saying, “We welcome the new owner, but we must receive our financial rights.”

Click here for the al-Ahram’s report.

The pace of privatization of companies in Egypt has been pretty slow by most standards, but still fast enough to case dislocation. For a government so keen on "stability" as the Mubarak government, it has faced down much of the pressures to modernize a pretty old and slow economy. But the real problem here is that the workers themselves have been frozen out, muzzled just like other aspects of civil society. As the pressure to modernize the Egyptian government gets stronger, the easiest and least disruptive way of doing this would be to ensure labor involvement. But that would mean loosening control over Egyptian civil society. The government is doing its best to ignore the dynamics of this balance -- a more vigorous labor movement would certainly be one key event to force them to confront it.

Here's an interesting post on labor struggles in Egyptian history, including the theory that the first recorded strike occurred in 1500 BC in Egypt.

2007-02-09T09:50:00.000-08:00

More News on Ayman Nour

The news doesn't get better about Ayman Nour, jailed former presidential candidate. I talked with family members today, and it appears a judicial decision has come down denying his request for release on health concerns. The decision seems to ensure that barring any presidential action, he will serve his full five years in jail.

His health condition is such that he may not be able to serve all of it. According to family members, his diabetes is out of control, he's not getting proper medication, his eye sight is failing and he has diabetic ulcers on his feet that may require amputation. His family is distraught at the latest turn.

The case is frustrating because it is one instance where the U.S. government has done all the right things, essentially, from presidential statements, to state department statements to congressional calls for action. Here's an old Washington Post clip that recalls this.

But none of this has been effective. It's a reminder of what a tricky thing leverage is -- despite all of the foreign aid the U.S. gives Egypt, it doesn't always translate into real leverage. The Mubarak government never feels compelled to do something that it doesn't see as being in its best interest. Leverage is something far trickier, and it may end up that the Egyptians think it's in our own interest to give them the aid, to keep them on our side.

And of course, it's a reminder that even if you do the right thing, if you're not keeping to a single standard, it may all come to naught. Unlike other kinds of leverage, human rights or other kind of ethical and moral persuasion requires a consistency in policy and action.

2007-02-08T19:04:00.000-08:00

Police Officer Goes on Trial for Torture

A trial worth watching: an Egyptian police officer is going on trial for the torture and murder of the prisoner Mohammed Abdel Qader El Sayed.

The trial started last week -- Feb. 3, in Cairo Criminal Court. The defendant is State Security Investigation officer Captain Ashraf Mostafa Hussein Safwat.

As with many political Egyptian trials, the testimony lasted for only part of the day. The first day's testimony focused on evidence presented by the head forensic doctor, and then adjourned for three months to May 5, when the defense will present arguments.

For more on the case, click here.

This is an important trial because of the long history of impunity that has defined security officials and police's relationship with the use of torture. Amnesty International has noted a few cases such as this, in which officers were brought to trial, but generally these cases are marked by minor sentences that are not always carried out. The vast majority of torture allegations never receive any public investigation at all.

We can end torture. There isn't anything essential or inevitable about it. Amnesty has developed a 12-point program for the elimination of torture. Point 5 is independent investigation of torture allegations, and Point 8 is bringing torturers to justice. Egypt has traditionally done neither. Here's hoping this trial can provide momentum for changing that.

2007-02-06T13:46:00.001-08:00

No Welcome for Human Rights Activist

I'm a little late on writing on this, but it's worth mentioning as an example of what the Egyptian government thinks about human rights activists.

The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (HRinfo) and Arab Program for Human Rights Activists (APHRA) reports that Mohamed Al-Maskati, human rights activist and Director of Bahrain Youth Society for Human Rights (BYSHR), was prevented from entering Egypt Jan. 31. The Cairo Airport Security Service held Al-Maskati in custody for more than 12 hours at the airport before he was deported back to Bahrain.

Al-Maskati (20 years-old) arrived at Cairo airport to participate in the seminar titled "The Role of Youth in Supporting Freedoms and Democracy" which is to be hold by BYSHR and APHRA. For more details, click here.

One of the things that might have prompted the Egyptian action was that Al-Maskati recently participated in a peaceful rally before the Egyptian embassy in Bahrain in protest on the detention of Egyptian blogger Kareem Amer. But the government probably didn't need any "provocation." I wouldn't expect the Mubarak government to treat a Bahraini human rights activist any better than they treat an Egyptian. They've been harassing and detaining Egyptian activists for years.

I hope there is a time soon when Egyptian organizations can invite foreign activists from all over the world to come share their stories and not worry whether they will be allowed in without harassment. Fortunately, Mohamed Al-Maskati is a young man, young enough that it might happen in his lifetime.

2007-02-05T14:09:00.000-08:00

Going After the Press

It's bad enough with Egyptian authorities use the law to prevent freedom of the press, but it's worse when they violate their own laws to do so. That's the opinion of several human rights organizations who have criticized the Supreme Council of Press (SCP) , which is preventing publication of al-Badiel. For more, click here.

The SCP is shutting down the paper without adhering to the rules, which require them to announce their objections within a 40-day period. To date, the organization is refusing to publicly disclose the reason for their action, despite the requests and demands of the paper's editors.

Don't expect this case to be resolved anytime soon. Freedom of the Press in Egypt plays out to the whims of the government and of the allegedly independent organizations, such as the SCP, that it sets up to do its bidding. Whenever professional organizations, such as the lawyers and medical associations, show any independence, the government changes the rules and comes in to exert authority.

It's an old report -- 1996 -- but its concerns on muzzling civil society in Egypt are still valid. Click here to see the AI report. Just as I wrote yesterday torture seems to be at the core of a system of legal rights violations, I believe you will find that the crushing of the freedom of the press is at the core of any muzzling of civil society.

2007-02-02T14:03:00.001-08:00

Why is Torture So Important?

Once again we are confronted with another serious allegation of torture in Egypt, one gaining the attention of human rights groups in Egypt. Here's a brief excerpt from a statement released Friday by a coalition of HR groups:

"As this statement is being written a number of policemen from Imbaba police station are present in Ihab Farouk's residence waiting for him to return. This development followed a night long interrogation of his father and wife, followed by taking his younger brother, Mohamed Magdi Farouk, hostage until this moment.

Less than 24 hours after the release of today's issue of the daily El Masry El Yom (Thursday, 1 February 2007) featuring the story of torture of citizen Ihabd Magdi Farouk, 19 years, at Imbaba police station, the police started looking for him at his residence. Not finding him there, they arrested his father and wife, took them to the same police station and interrogated them for 5 hours – from 2a.m. until 7 a.m. asking about the whereabouts of Ihab. Why do they want him? In order to settle some matters between him and some police sergeants, as claimed by the Imbaba police.

When Ihab did not show up the police arrested his younger brother, Mohamed Magdi Farouk, as hostage until the appearance of Ihab. At the same time a number of Imbaba police force remained at his residence waiting for his return."

I believe we always have to keep a focus on torture. I believe it is at the core of any system that abuses human rights. You can not improve a human rights situation without getting rid of torture; at the same time, ending torture brings significant improvements in a whole range of human rights abuses. Let me just count a few -- prolonged incommunicado or administrative detention, military and security courts, unfair trials in general, the death penalty, arrest of family members or friends of suspects and impunity for human rights abusers.

When you look at these abuses in Egypt in particular, you almost always find evidence of the presence of torture. The legal and political edifice created to facilitate torture and to protect torturers inevitably ends up being used in other violations.

When you hear debates, post-Abu Ghraib, about the necessity of the use of torture to fight "bad guys" or as Vice President Chaney allegedly said "to work the dark side a little bit," please remember that this is a path that always leads in places that we don't want to be.

2007-02-01T06:40:00.000-08:00

New Amnesty Statement on Blogger Karim Amer

Amnesty International today called for the immediate and unconditional release of Karim Amer, the first Egyptian blogger to be tried for writing blogs criticizing Egypt's al-Azhar religious authorities, President Husni Mubarak and Islam.

Karim Amer, a former al-Azhar University student and blogger, is facing up to 10 years in prison for his writings in a trial that resumes today. Charges against him include “spreading information disruptive of public order and damaging to the country’s reputation”, “incitement to hate Islam” and “defaming the President of the Republic”.

"Karim Amer's trial appears intended as a warning by the authorities to other bloggers who dare criticize the government or use their blogs to spread information considered harmful to Egypt’s reputation," said Malcolm Smart, Director of the Middle East and North Africa Programme. "This is particularly worrying as bloggers have increasingly been posting information about human rights abuses in Egypt, including torture and police violence against peaceful protesters."

The trial opened on 18 January 2007 before Maharram Bek Court in Alexandria. Karim Amer was charged under Articles 102, 176 and 179 of Egypt’s Penal Code. Amnesty International has been urging the Egyptian authorities to review or abolish this and other legislation that, in violation of international standards, stipulates prison sentences for the mere exercise of the rights of freedom of expression, thought, conscience and religion.

"Amnesty International considers Karim Amer to be a prisoner of conscience who is being prosecuted on account of the peaceful expression of his views about Islam and the al-Azhar religious authorities. We are calling for his immediate and unconditional release."

Background

Karim Amer was first detained by the Egyptian authorities for 12 days in October 2005 because of his writings on his blog (karam903.blogspot.com) about Islam and the sectarian riots which took place in the same month in Alexandria's Maharram Bek district. These riots followed reports that the video of a play believed to be anti-Islam was being screened in a Coptic church in the district.

After he was charged and released, disciplinary measures were taken against him and he was dismissed from al-Azhar University in March 2006. The university's disciplinary board found him guilty of blaspheming Islam.

He was summoned to appear before the office of the Public Prosecutor in Maharram Bek district of the city of Alexandria on 7 November 2006 following a complaint made against him by al-Azhar University. The Public Prosecutor ordered his detention for four days on 7 November, which was later extended for a further 15 days, to allow further time for investigation. He has remained in detention since then following a series of extensions. While in detention, he was kept in solitary confinement and in incommunicado detention and was only allowed visits by his relatives last week.

2007-01-30T14:19:00.000-08:00

A Sad Tale of Egyptian Justice

Human Rights activists are pointing to a sad story related to the tragic Beni Mazar massacre. The story underscores the strange and conflicting logic of much of Egyptian justice.

The massacre was a horrible one. In December 2005, 10 people, including infants, were killed and mutilated. Police arrested Mohamed Ali, but when the case came to trial, the evidence there was insufficient to convict him. Here is some background on the case. In fact the evidence was that Mohamed Ali was a scapegoat. So, it's a credit to the long-standing independence of the Egyptian judiciary that they refused to railroad a man just because of the brutality of the crime.

But Ali's trial didn't end there. He and his family was placed under house arrest, forced to move to another village, and essentially forced into poverty. Allegedly he was put under house arrest to protect his family from reprisals from victims' family members. But this past October, a number of human rights groups in Egypt raised concerns about the continuing harassment of the family by authorities. Click here for more.

The situation hasn't changed. Today groups released a statement reasserting their claims and concerns. One of the groups signing the statement is the El Nadim Center for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Torture and Domestic Violence.

"Mohamed's family, consisting of 22 individuals including children, women, elderly and young men have been under forced house arrest in two narrow rooms in the village of Bani Hagr by order of the police. The place lacks all the necessities for a normal life. It does not for example have a toilet, forcing the family to use a hole in the ground," the statement said.

"The children, six in number, have not been going to their schools, since the family is prevented from leaving the place. The two older daughters are hosted by another family in another village in view of the lack of space.

"In addition to these inhumane conditions, none of the family's men has a job at present after Haj Ali was forced by the police to sell his land and house to the families of the victims very early on in the case, before the court ruled Mohamed to be innocent. A small shop owned by the family in Beni Mazar was closed since the police prevent any of the family members to return to their village."

Having worked on capital punishment cases in the United States, I've been able to see examples of innocent people who have to struggle to return to normalcy after being released from jail for crimes they didn't commit. In Egypt, it's made even worse by a system that allows for arbitrary and capricious. .

2007-01-26T13:31:00.000-08:00

Update on Trial of Blogger Kareem Amer

The trial of Kareem Amer, accused of insulting Islam and other charges for his work on the blog, started Jan. 25. The short hearing was adjourned afterwards until Feb. 1.

The trial is attracting the attention of democracy and human rights activists and the international media. Amnesty has previously expressed concern about the trial. Click here for my previous postings on the case.

According to Egyptian activists, the judge was surprised to find a big number of interested people in Kareem's trial. The opening motions concerned the venue and owner of the site that publishes Kareem's blog. This is important, because under Egyptian law, if the blog is published outside of Egypt, Kareem could not be charged on the defamation charges. (Although I suspect either the judge will overlook that or other charges could be brought against him.)

But one of the most interesting moments of the trial, according to witnesses, was following these motions, a man started speaking outloud saying he would bring a "hesba" lawsuit against Kareem. Under Islamic law, anyone can bring a hisba lawsuit if they believe God has been insulted. Two most recent famous "hesba" cases involve a suit against Nasr Abu Zayd, a noted scholar of Islam, and Nawal el-Saadawi. In the latter case, the person claimed that Nawal was a heretic and therefore her husband could not be legally married to her under Islamic law and should be forced to divorce her.

According to the witness, "The man was so emotional. He spoke in a loud voice. He introduced himself as a lawyer. He said he came to stand by Islam for its victory. He recited some parts of Quaran about those who fight against Allah and his profit Mohamed who should have their hands and legs cut. He meant Kareem."

The man was later identified in one source as Mohamed Dawoud, who I believe was the same person who brought the hesba case against Nawal el-Saadawi.

2007-01-24T13:58:00.000-08:00

Ayman Nour's Deteriorating Health

More than a dozen Egyptian HR groups signed a petition today asking for the release of former presidential candidate Ayman Nour from jail today. The pleasant surprise is that the U.S. State Department added its voice to the chorus.

The Egyptian statement read in part, "On the 18^th January 2007, information were received concerning the deterioration of Nour's health conditions after having a catheterization at Al Kasr Al Ainy Hospital. He suffered from bleeding in heart arteries after he was transferred back to Tora Prison. Nour is diabetic and receives medication for bleeding control which eventually led to a bleeding in his eye retina, which may totally damage his optical nerves. He is also suffering from deep venous thrombosis and decaying in the joint of the right leg due to preventing him from moving inside the prison."

Later in the day, State Department spokesman Sean McCormick said, "We have continuing and serious concerns about his medical condition. At the very minimum, he should be given all the medical care that he needs." McCormick added that the Bush administration would ask "for some consideration of" Nour's release.

It's interesting that the State Department mentioned the case publicly considering it was very prominently noted that the secretary of state didn't discuss it publicly during her visit to Egypt last week. But it is the right thing to do, so credit should be given.

In the meantime, the Egyptian groups have continued their work on behalf of Ayman and helping his wife Gameela keep up Ayman's efforts to promote human rights and democracy in Egypt. Ayman Nour remains in Mazraat Tora Prison. He can receive letters of support written to Ayman Nour, Mazraat Tora Prison, Tora, Cairo, EGYPT.

2007-01-23T14:17:00.000-08:00

Crackdown time?

Is the Mubarak government starting another campaign of massive detention of political opponents? Six leading human rights organizations in Egypt believe so. The six -- the Egyptian Association against Torture Arab Organization for Criminal Reform, Nadim Center for rehabilitation of victims of violence, Arab network for human rights information, Human Rights Association for Assistance of Prisoners, Hisham Mubarak Law Center Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression and the Association for Human Rights Legal Aid -- issued a statement today asking "Do Egyptian prisons have enough place for 70 million Egyptians?"

The statement notes that the heaviest burden is falling on the Muslim Brothers, but that the campaign isn't limited to Islamists. "If today's detentions involve the brotherhood more than anybody else, we should not forget that yesterday's detentions involved others who supported the judges' movement for the independence of the judiciary, and those who struggle for democracy and against rigged elections and the constitutional changes which ensure the maintenance of the state of emergency and torture. ...

"And away from the circles of politics, the Egyptian ministry of Interior used its detention plicy against street children, after the disclosure of the what has come to be known as the "turbine gang" and instead of the Egyptian government bearing its responsibility towards those children who are victims of the existing social and economic conditions, instead of dealing with them as children in danger, the Ministry of Interior chose to treat them as potential causes of danger and organized a campaign to arrest them from the streets and allies to put them in police stations under the mercy of police officers and their assistants.

"Also less than a week ago, Miss Howeida Taha, correspondent of the Qatar-based El Jazeera satellite channel spent two days at the state security prosecution where she was interrogated regarding her coverage of torture stories and citizens' complaints of the bad treatment they receive in police stations. The assistant to the Minister of Interior does not stop threatening Egyptian bloggers concerning what they publish on the net concerning torture crimes.. and the threat of imprisonment continues to follow Egyptian journalists who cross 'the red lines'. Only recently, during the strike of railway drivers, the photographer of El Masry El Yom daily newspaper was threatened by detention because he was doing his job."

Others are taking note. I refer everyone to this week's Economist, which notes the rising dissatisfaction with the slow pace of political and human rights reform. The article is by subscription only, but you can get a snippet here.

2007-01-19T14:09:00.001-08:00

More Concerns on Torture:

Torture is done against bad guys, right? We don't torture, but we're not going to talk about our methods. What other myths about torture are we going to keep on having?

Evidence continues to mount that torture, always systemmatic in Egypt, is part of that country's "war on terror." Here is a report received this week about an attack on an alleged member of the Muslim Brotherhood. The report comes from respected Egyptian human rights groups posting on www.misrdigital.com:

"Abdel Megid Abdel Aziz Abdel Megid, known by "Guda" was subject to severe beating and use of electricity on sensitive parts of his body at the state security intelligence headquarters in the city of Kafr El Zayat by the hands of officer "Walid Mohamed Ammar" deputy to the chief stat eintelligence officer at Kafr El Zayat. Guda had been arrested in the early hours of the 16th of Janaury 2007 from his house in the district of Hasiba in the city of Kafr El Zayat, Gharbeyya governorate in the Delta of Egypt.

Guda woke up at about 2 a.m. upon a heavy knocking at his door. As soon as he opened the door the police was all over the house. Guda asked for the prosecutor's permit to search the house, upon which the state security officer reached into his pocket, got out a small piece of paper, which Guda did not read, returned it back into his pocket again and said: "This is the permit. And even if there is no permit, I shall detain you as I wish". The police then took Guda down into the police car, then went up again in arms to search his house causing panic to his wife and children. The police took school books and notebooks of the children, a praying carpet, a computer which was searched by the officer himself at the state security office in violation of the law which states that examination of a computer should be carried out by the technical office upon an order of the prosecution.

As soon as Guda arrived in the state security office in Kafr El Zayat he was beaten, slapped and kicked all over his body by officer Walid Ammar and sergeant Marwan Hashem Abou Aiba. Then Ammar stripped Gouda of all his clothes, forced him to the floor on his back with his hands tied and eyes blindfolded. He then put a chair between his legs and used a baton to pressure sensitive parts of his body. While Guda was screaming of pain, officer Ammar was laughing and saying: "I shall make you lose your manhood totally. You will sleep with your wife with no difference between the two of you!!"

After 20 hours of torture, Guda was referred to the prosecution charged of membership of the Moslem Brotherhood. His file was registered as administrative case no. 710/2007 investigation no. 65 Kafr El Zayat.

Guda's lawyer has filed a complaint to the public prosecutor's officer and the national council for human rights."

If you want to learn more about the case, information is available in Arabic on this website.

Just one comment: The officials allegedly involved here are state security officers. Amnesty has previously expressed concern about torture by security officers, but in past years, we have tried to bring attention to lesser-known but just as prevalent issue of torture in local police stations. You don't have to be involved in politics to be tortured. We hear more about this prominent cases, but the issue is just as important to protect civilians going through their daily chores.

In addition, although a complaint has been filed in the above case, Egypt's record of conducting impartial, public investigations into allegations of torture is poor. Impunity remains an obstacle to justice.

Here are some recent Amnesty actions on torture in Egypt.
Detainees at Risk for Torture in Unknown Locations.
Allegations of Torture of Four Tunisians in Egypt.

2007-01-19T14:03:00.000-08:00

Update on the Tunisians

Just one short note on how online actions can promote large actions quickly, the Amnesty online action has brought in more than 1,700 actions in a week. Thanks to everyone who has taken action. Anyone who hasn't, please take a moment to read about the case and respond.

2007-01-17T14:26:00.000-08:00

Kareem Amer on trial

Egyptian Blogger Abdul Kareem Nabeil Suleiman, known in the Internet as Kareem Amer, went on trial Jan. 18 in Moharam Bek Misdemeanor Court in Alexandria. The charges were charges of insulting Islam and causing sectarian strife with his Internet writings; the hearing was brief and adjourned at the defense's request to Jan. 25.

Kareem's blog in Arabic can be found here.
Here's Amnesty's past statement on the case. I've written previously about the case several times.

Two things about the case. This isn't the first time Kareem has been in trouble with authorities, but in the past the U.S. has raised concerns about the case. Not this time, despite Secretary's Rice's visit to Egypt this week.

Second, while there is silence from U.S. authorities, within Egypt, activists are rallying to the cause. The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information issued a statement calling upon freedom of expression advocators in Egypt and all over the globe to support Kareem Amer in his prospected trial based on biased investigations by the Public Prosecutor.
For more information about this group's work: http://www.hrinfo.net/en/focus/2007/pr0117.shtml

If you want to take action on this case, in the U.S. you should write letters of support for Kareem to the Egyptian ambassador:

Ambassador Nabil Fahmy
Embassy of the Arab Republic of Egypt
3521 International Court N.W., Washington, D.C., 20008
202-895-5400

One of the ironies of this case, of any case supporting freedom of speech on the Internet in Egypt, is that while President Mubarak has an e-mail account for public comment, it always seems to fail when large number of actions try to use the account. So it's better to write or call the ambassador directly.

Here's what other media and bloggers are saying about the case.

The Washington Post notes that this is just one of a string of harassments of government critics speaking out online.

Here's FreedomforEgyptians blog writing on the case.

2007-01-16T14:11:00.000-08:00

Bush's legacy and Arab democracy

Secretary of State Rice is in Egypt today, and the New York Times reports one topic not on the agenda is Egyptian democracy. That's sad news, but not surprising.

For all the mistakes made by this president, he deserves credit for being the first American president to seriously confront the possibility of democracy in the Middle East. Jimmy Carter promoted human rights, but his public record is slim in promoting democracy in the region. In fact, as Anwar Sadat became a hero for his peace initiatives, American leaders prominently overlooked his decaying record on the democratic front. And since then all administrations, both Republican and Democrat simply didn't raise the issue in any significant way.

In fact there is a strong tradition in American diplomacy that assumes the region just isn't ready or will ever be ready for democracy.

That is a canard, proven by the many struggles of democracy activists in Egypt, Lebanon, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, everywhere. There are many reasons why democracy isn't flourishing in the region; but a lack of intellectual and political tradition isn't one of them.

Now Rice's silence suggests the game is up. The president will repeatedly refer to democratic hopes in the region, but it won't extend beyond that. The true tragedy of this is that by attempting to achieve Arab democracy through war in Iraq, he may have actually killed all hope and possibility for democratic change for at least another decade.

There was never any possibility that war in Iraq would bring democracy. The forces of war are simply too strong to bring anything but chaos, except in those rare examples where civil society to strong enough to withstand the war. After decades of Saddam Hussein crushing all facets of civil society other than religion, there was never any hope that this would occur in Iraq. It was a case of the tactics being at odds with the goals.

Whether President Bush ever recognized the democratic potential in the Arab world, whether he actually knew the names of the people who were doing the work he promoted, isn't clear.
But I presume he was sincere in promoting that vision. I look at the region now, and I still see activists maintaining heroic efforts against great obstacles. But more and more they are on the defensive -- defending themselves, defending democracy as a possibility, defending themselves from charges of Western and American influence.

And I fear it won't just be Condi Rice who maintains a silence on Arab democracy. I fear the lesson American politicians will learn is that there is no hope. And if that is the case, then that will be one of the worse legacies of the Bush administration.

2007-01-16T06:54:00.000-08:00

Journalist investigating torture in Egypt harassed

A posting from the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information:

"The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (HRinfo) condemns the investigation with Huweida Taha, Al-Jazeera TV Journalist. Taha is accused of possessing footages documenting torture in Egypt in order to be shown in a TV show by Al-Jazeera. Security forces confiscated the videotapes while Taha was on her way to Doha, Qatar last week.

"State Security Prosecutor convicted Taha, yesterday, with two charges: filming scenes which may harm the national interests of the country, and possessing and transferring false footages which incorrectly describes the situation in Egypt!!

"State Security Prosecutor decided to continue interrogations with Taha today.

"This investigation came as a surprise. It reveals the sharp decline in the stance of Ministry of Interior which previously granted an official license to Taha and offered to help her in the preparation of the abovementioned TV show, according to Al-Jazeera.

"'We cannot find charges similar to those leveled against Huweida Taha in any other country that respects freedom of press and has the minimum of democracy. These accusations are artificial and aim at covering up the crimes of torture widespread in Egypt, which were recently disclosed by the young and courageous Egyptian bloggers,' HRinfo Executive Director, Gamal Eid said.

"The harassments against Al-Jazeera staff become the standard methodology and the routine exercise of the Egyptian government. Such restrictions are, apparently, applied with the purpose to limit the boldness of Al-Jazeera in keeping abreast of events regardless of threats."

For more, click here.

2007-01-11T13:57:00.000-08:00

Why the US should be concerned about the crackdown about the Muslim Brothers

Once again, the government is in the midst of a crackdown against Muslim Brothers. On Jan. 9, five members were arrested in Dakahliya and Gharbiya, including Mohamed Farag, a candidate for parliament. This comes on the heels of arrests of 29 members Jan. 2 in Sharqiya, Gharbiya and Daqahliya, as reported by Egyptian human rights organizations. And on Dec. 31, 20 MB members were arrested in Fayoum right after Eid prayers.

It's been hard for Amnesty International to work on MB cases, particularly in America. It's not for a lack of effort. We consider all arrests of non-violent political activists as to be cause of concern and to be potential prisoners of conscience, regardless of ideology. We have in the past selected many of the MB members as prisoners of conscience. It's only the fact that so many MB members are arrested prevents us from working on each individual case.

And yet, many people are uncomfortable working on MB cases. People who acknowledge the injustice of their arrest still raise concerns about the consequences of a MB takeover in Egypt and whether we should be helping non-violent Islamists when so many Islamists work violently to violate human rights.

I support Amnesty International in its efforts to assist MB prisoners of conscience. Human rights work can succeed only when it is based on a single standard of human rights. Success depends upon building upon credibility that a single standard gives. It is only through that credibility that you can build public support for human rights, the kind of public support that brings enough pressure on governments to change.

Basing work on a single standard of human rights is particularly important in the Middle East where there are so many sides willing to look the other way when their allies engage in human rights abuses. I have seen many American public officials who have strong human rights records rendered ineffective in the Middle East because this is the one region where they fail to use a single standard. Many American officials, for example, never seemed to understand that their singling out Saad Ibrahim and Ayman Nour for specialized work in Egypt only seemed to underscore their failure to act on Muslim Brother and other cases and also their failure to take any action on Israels human rights abuses. It goes without saying Saad and Ayman themselves wouldn't want special treatment and always have insisted on a single standard for human rights.

And so it is important for anyone interested in human rights to come to the aid of unjustly imprisoned MB members and to work on a single standard for human rights. It is a lesson on effectiveness and credibility that would be very valuable for American foreign policy makers to remember.

2007-01-10T10:43:00.000-08:00

Egypt: protection of torture victim is key for justice to be done

Amnesty International is calling on the Egyptian authorities to ensure the safety of torture victim Emad Mohamed Ali Mohamed, known as Emad al-Kabir, and his protection from further intimidation or reprisal while in prison. This is key to ensure justice is done during the trial on 3 March 2007 of two police officers charged with torturing him, including with rape, in January last year.

Emad al-Kabir was yesterday sentenced to three months' imprisonment for "resisting the authorities" and "assaulting a police officer" and was reportedly taken to prison immediately afterwards. He was tried for intervening to stop a dispute between his cousin and police officers in January 2006. Amnesty International fears that, while in prison, he is now more vulnerable and may be subjected to further intimidation or reprisal in order to force him to withdraw his torture complaint.

Two officers from Bulaq Dakrur Police Station, in Giza Governorate, will be tried for the unlawful detention, torture and rape of Emad al-Kabir. They will also stand trial for obtaining and distributing materials harmful to public moral and decency, as they reportedly filmed and distributed the rape of Emad al-Kabir using a mobile phone camera in order to further degrade and humiliate him. They have been charged under Articles 178, 268 and 282 of Egyptâ€™s Penal Code in December 2006 and could face up to nine yearsâ€™ imprisonment.

The referral in December 2006 of two police officers to stand trial over the torture of Emad al-Kabir is a first step towards punishing those responsible for allegedly committing acts of torture. However, what happened to Emad al-Kabir is by no means an isolated incident. Torture in Egypt remains widespread and systematic and now torture allegations are being supported by graphic evidence as more videos of torture and other ill-treatment have been posted on the Internet. The most recent video, posted last week on the Internet, showed a screaming woman in a contorted position, tied to a bar hung between two chairs, confessing to murder.
The Egyptian Minister of Interior reportedly ordered the security services to open an investigation to identity the victim.

Amnesty International is again calling on the Egyptian government to implement specific recommendations made by UN treaty bodies and special procedures, especially those of the Committee against Torture; to ratify the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; and to extend an invitation the to UN Special Rapporteur on Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment to visit the country, following his renewed request in July 2006.

In particular, the organization urges the Egyptian authorities to put in place safeguards to ensure that detainees are not subjected to torture or ill-treatment, to investigate all allegations of torture and ill-treatment seriously, to protect torture victims from intimidation or reprisal, and to establish, as routine, prompt, thorough and impartial investigations into these allegations and bring to justice those who have committed, ordered or authorized such acts.

Background
Emad al-Kabir, a 21 year-old taxi driver from Bulaq Dakrur in Giza Governorate, was arrested on 18 January 2006 after intervening to stop an argument between police officers and his cousin. While in detention at Bulaq Dakrur Police Station, he was slapped and kicked with a stick on his hands and legs. He was accused of "resisting the authorities" and, on 19 January 2006, presented before the Public Prosecutor, who ordered his release on bail of 100 Egyptian pounds (approx. US$17). Instead of being freed, Emad al-Kabir was taken back to Bulaq Dakrur Police Station by police officers where he was detained overnight and tortured.

He told Amnesty International that at around 3am on 20 January 2006, he was taken to an interrogation room, where a number of officers, including the two to stand trial, tied his hands and feet and forced him to sit on the floor. He was whipped and ordered to call himself degrading names. He then had his trousers removed; his legs were raised and he was raped with a stick. The rape was filmed by one of the two police officers, using a mobile phone camera, who told him that he would circulate the video in Emad al-Kabir's neighbourhood in order to publicly humiliate him and intimidate others.

Following the arrest of his brother around 15 November 2006 allegedly for refusing to give a bribe of five Egyptian pounds (approx. US$0.80) to a police officer, Emad al-Kabir approached the authorities, using a copy of the video of his own rape, to ask for his brother's release for fear that he might be tortured, including with rape. He was asked to write a complaint and was later taken to the Bulaq Dakrur Police Station, where he was detained overnight. During his detention at the police station, two senior officers tried to convince him to drop the torture complaint in exchange for them dropping the charges of "resisting the authorities". He also received several calls on his mobile phone threatening him and the safety of his family if he did not remain silent.

The video, which was reportedly widely circulated in the Bulaq Dakrur neighbourhood and among other taxi drivers of the region, was posted on the Internet in November 2006, causing protest among human rights organizations and wide media interest. On 9 December, Emad al-Kabir received a summons to appear before the Public Prosecutor on 12 December in relation to his complaint. He was then questioned and referred for forensic examination. On 24 December, the Public Prosecutor ordered the detention for four days of the two officers Emad al-Kabir was able to name and, on 28 December, referred them to South Cairo Criminal Court for trial. The request of their defence lawyer to be released on bail pending their trial in March was rejected on 9 January 2007 and they remain detained in one of the detention facilities of the Central Security Forces.

Despite evidence that torture in Egypt is widespread and systematic and that everyone taken into detention is at risk of torture or other forms of ill-treatment, the Egyptian authorities continue to admit to only occasional and isolated individual cases of human rights abuses, and to emphasize that disciplinary measures are taken against those guilty of such abuses. Indeed, trials of alleged torturers before criminal courts are mainly restricted to cases where the victim died, and only in criminal, not political, cases. In most cases, security forces have been allowed over many years to act with virtual impunity.

In Egypt's Penal Code, the criminal offence of torture continues to have a restricted definition and is limited to the context of forcing an accused person into making a confession, and death threats and physical torture are criminalized only when they happen following an illegal arrest. This means, for example, that no criminal charges can be brought against officers who torture a person who is not a "suspect"in any offense or in order to obtain information, rather than a "confession", from them. Despite numerous calls by UN bodies and national and international non-governmental organizations to adopt a definition of torture that fully corresponds with the definition in Article 1 of the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, to which Egypt is a state party, the authorities have to date taken no such action.

2007-01-08T14:09:00.000-08:00

'This Is How They Kidnapped Me'

The Chicago Tribune has published a letter from Osama Moustafa Hassan Nasr, also known as Abu Omar, an Egyptian who allegedly was kidnapped by CIA officials in Italy and transported to Egypt, where he has been in detention ever since. The case is being investigated by Italian officials and nearly two dozen Americans are under indictment, although it is unlikely they will be brought to trial.

The letter shows the result of the U.S. secret renditions policy: torture. It is not an afterthought, an unfortunate aftermath to a legal action. It is embedded and inevitable in the policy. Any action taken in secret, done illegally and without oversight and without regard for international legal standards is predetermined to fall into criminality and in this case torture. His letter from prison cites torture from electric shocks, beatings and sexual abuse.

Furthermore, the American action appears to have thwarted justice. It interrupted an Italian investigation into the Egyptian. Today's Tribune reports that the worse charges the CIA had against him -- a plot to blow up a school bus -- had no basis in fact. And the Tribune reports the rendition may have been prompted by a desire to attempt to turn him as an informant. All of that has failed as well as the charges brought against him by the the Italian investigation. In other words, the one legal case against him has been disrupted by the illegal rendition.

For the Tribune article on the case, click here.
For the full text of his letter, click here.

2007-01-08T09:44:00.000-08:00

Take Action: Forcible Rendition/Fear of Torture

The Egyptian authorities are preparing to forcibly return the four Tunisian nationals listed above, and could do so at any time. If returned to Tunisia they would be in grave danger of torture. They are held at the al-Khalifa detention centre, in the capital, Cairo. They have not been charged with any offence. Five other Tunisian nationals are reported to have been forcibly returned on 4 January.

They were among a group of students, both foreign and Egyptian, arrested at around the end of November. All were interrogated and allegedly tortured in connection with the activities of a terrorist cell recruiting people in Egypt to go to fight the US-led coalition in Iraq. All were detained for some weeks at the State Security Intelligence (SSI) office in Madinet Nasr, Northern Cairo, during which time they claim that they were tortured: this included being beaten and given electric shocks to sensitive parts of their bodies while blindfolded and handcuffed. They were also prevented from sleeping and forced to watch as their cellmates were tortured.

Five other Tunisian nationals who suffered the same treatment at the SSI in Madinet Nasr were reportedly forcibly returned in the evening of 4 January, after spending a number of days at al-Khalifa detention centre. Their whereabouts are now unknown, and it is not clear whether they were arrested on arrival.

As well as the nine Tunisians, eight French, two Belgians, one US citizen and a number of Syrians and Egyptians had been arrested in a sweep through the Madinet Nasr district in Cairo and in Alexandria. The French and Belgian nationals were all students who had come to Egypt to learn Arabic and study Islam. They were arrested in November on suspicion of involvement in a terrorist network. All French and Belgian students were released when they were returned to their respective countries from Egypt on 7 December.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Over the years, Amnesty International has received numerous reports of torture and ill-treatment by the Tunisian security forces, including agents of the State Security Department at the Ministry of the Interior in the capital, Tunis. In virtually all cases, allegations of torture are not investigated and the perpetrators are not brought to justice.

In May 2004, Tunisian national Tarek Belkhirat was forcibly returned to Tunisia from France after his request for asylum was rejected. He was arrested upon arrival, and charged under the 2003 anti-terrorism law. In February 2005, the Council of State (Conseil d’État), the highest administrative court in France, quashed the order to deport Tarek Belkhirat to Tunisia. In March 2005, a court in Tunis sentenced him to 10 years' imprisonment. In October 2005 this was reduced on appeal to five years. He remains in prison in Tunisia.

The Tunisian authorities are holding some 400 prisoners under the 2003 counter-terrorism law for allegedly seeking to go to fight in Iraq.

RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in English and Arabic or your own language:

To the Egyptian authorities

- expressing concern at allegations that the four Tunisian nationals (naming them), and all those detained with them, have been tortured in custody;

- calling on the authorities to open an immediate investigation into these allegations and bring those responsible to justice;

- calling on authorities to ensure that they are not subjected to any further violations;

- expressing concern at reports that the four men are in imminent danger of being forcibly returned to Tunisia, and calling for all attempts to return them to be halted;

- urging the authorities to stop the forcible return of any person to a country where they would be at risk of serious human rights abuses in accordance with their international obligations under Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment;

- reminding the authorities that the forcible return of anyone to a country where there are substantial reasons to believe they are at risk of torture is absolutely prohibited under international law;

- urging the Egyptian authorities not to send the four to any third country where they would not be granted effective and durable protection against forcible return to Tunisia.

APPEALS TO:

H.E. Muhammad Hosni Mubarak

President of the Arab Republic of Egypt

‘Abedine Palace, Cairo, EGYPT

Fax: +20 2 390 1998

E-mail: webmaster@presidency.gov.eg

Salutation: Your Excellency

General Habib Ibrahim El Adly

Minister of the Interior, Ministry of the Interior

Al-Sheikh Rihan Street, Bab al-Louk, Cairo, EGYPT

Fax: +20 2 579 2031

E-mail: moi@idsc.gov.eg

moi1@idsc.gov.eg

moi2@idsc.gov.eg

Salutation: Dear Minister

COPIES TO:

National Council for Human Rights

1113, Corniche al-Nil

NDP Building, Cairo, EGYPT

Fax: +20 2 5747670

2006-11-14T09:29:00.000-08:00

Labor rights in Egypt

A notice comes from the Land Center for Human Rights issued a reminder that the government continues to violate international labor agreements and threaten the right of Egyptian workers to freely associate in a union of their choice.

The center complains that the government-approved labor union, which has minority support among workers has been unfairly aided in the ongoing labor syndicate elections because opposition candidates were prevented from running for office by the government.

"[Opposition candidates were refused] the labor syndicate membership certificates, which are required for the nomination process, and those who were able to fulfill all their papers were also excluded, as their names were not enrolled among the candidates, which made them file complaints, but these complaints were denied by the Ministry of Manpower. This has led to the end of the first stage with the winning of many candidates uncontested. This will also help these winners in the second stage being held today," according to the center's statement.

The center's statement goes on to say that some workers protested the situation with a peaceful sit-in but were quickly arrested by security officials. There were significant voting irregularities during the election, with some polls closing early, and the security officials maintained a significant and oppressive positioning during voting.

To read the full statement, go to the center's website, here.

This is a long-standing concern. It is a labor problem, but it's part of the larger effort by the government to muzzle civil society. This is similar to the problems faced by opposition groups in professional associations, such as the bar and doctors and engineers association, by opposition journalists, human rights defenders, members of minority religious groups, academics and even gays. Anything not under the government's control is seen as a threat and a target for action.

The government uses it's powers under laws governing NGOs and the elections of professional associations to suppress criticisms from these groups, which are vital to a healthy civil society. Amnesty encourages the government to remember it's obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Article 22 states: "(1.) Everyone shall have the right to freedom of association with others, including the right to form and join trade unions for the protection of his interests.

2006-11-13T12:59:00.000-08:00

Attacks on Blogger, Sadat Stifle Freedom

Amnesty International is concerned by the arrest and detention of blogger and former al-Azhar University student Abdel Karim Sulaiman Amer apparently because of his critical writings about Islam and Egypt's al-Azhar religious authorities, and the recent imprisonment of Tal’at Sadat, a member of parliament, for “spreading false rumours and insulting the armed forces". These cases represent a further erosion of freedom of expression in Egypt. (For a previous report on harassment of Amer, click here.)

Abdel Karim Sulaiman Amer was summoned to appear before the office of the Public Prosecutor in Maharram Bek district of the city of Alexandria on 7 November following a complaint reportedly made against him by al-Azhar University. He was charged with an array of offences, including “spreading information disruptive of public order”, “incitement to hate Muslims” and “defaming the President of the Republic”. The Public Prosecutor ordered his detention for four days on 7 November, which was later reportedly extended for a further 15 days, to allow further time for investigation.

Abdel Karim Sulaiman Amer was dismissed from al-Azhar University in March 2006 after the university's disciplinary board found him guilty of blaspheming Islam. The disciplinary measures were taken against him after he was detained by the Egyptian authorities for 12 days in October 2005 because of his writings about Islam and the sectarian riots which took place in the same month in Alexandria's Maharram Bek district following reports that a play believed to be anti-Islam was being screened in a Coptic church in the district.

Tal’at Sadat, nephew of the assassinated former Egyptian President Mohamed Anwar Sadat, was sentenced to one year's imprisonment with labour and fined on 31 October after being convicted of defaming the armed forces. On 5 October, the Military Prosecutor General requested that Tal'at Sadat be stripped of his parliamentary immunity to be investigated for defaming the armed forces and for spreading false information. Several days earlier, Tal'at Sadat gave a series of media interviews on the anniversary of the former president's assassination, and alleged that senior army officers had been implicated in the killing, which was carried out by Islamist soldiers on 6 October 1981. In these interviews he suggested that Egyptian President Husni Mubarak – then vice-president – was also involved. Although a civilian, he was tried and convicted by a military court.

Amnesty International has consistently urged the Egyptian authorities to put an end to the trial of civilians before military courts, from which there is no higher judicial appeal, which violates some of the most fundamental requirements of international law, such as the right to be tried before an independent and impartial court, and the right to appeal to a higher court.

Amnesty International considers Tal'at Sadat to be a prisoner of conscience imprisoned solely for the peaceful exercise of his right to freedom of expression and is calling for his immediate and unconditional release. The organization is awaiting further details of the charges against Abdel Karim Sulaiman Amer but is concerned that he may also be a prisoner of conscience who is being prosecuted on account of the peaceful expression of his views about Islam and the al-Azhar religous authorities.

Amnesty International is calling on the Egyptian authorities to review or abolish legislation that, in violation of international standards, stipulates prison sentences for acts which constitute nothing more than the exercise of the rights of freedom of thought, conscience and religion.

2006-10-12T10:55:00.000-07:00

The army goes after a famous name

Talaat Sadat may be a member of the parliament and he may be a member of the Egyptian parliament, but that isn't stopping the Egyptian military from threatening him with jail for speaking his mind.

According to news reports, Sadat this week was stripped of his parlimentary immunity, a step that Ayman Nour and others can tell him usually leads to criminal prosecution. His crime is speaking publicly about his belief that members of the Egyptian military were involved in the assassination of his uncle, who was killed in 1981 while reviewing a military parade.

Sadat is a controversial figure, who has pointed blame not just as the Egyptian military but several other governments. So he's on the edge of Egyptian politics. And there is reason to believe that the main Egyptian military officials weren't involved in the assassination since many of them were standing next to Sadat at the time. None of this really matters. The bottom line is that anytime someone steps out of the narrow realm of accepted political discourse, the powers that be come after him or her.

There's no denying that Egypt has a more vigorous political environment than many other countries of the region. This is testament to the true spirit of the place and the people. The Sadat assassination set in motion a number of government powers under the State of Emergency that for a time and on the surface were very successful in combatting a very real armed threat. The problem was once those powers were unleashed, soon they were turned on others: intellectuals, political opponents, women's groups, homosexuals, religious minorities, university professors and of course members of parliament. It was not just the targeted groups that suffered: It was Egypt.

And of course, that is a lesson that should not be lost on Americans.

2006-10-11T13:51:00.000-07:00

Egyptians Abroad: Human Rights Abuses of Traveling Egyptians

The Egyptian Organization for Human Rights has updated two old reports with new material, bringing welcome attention to the fact that Egyptians can find their rights oppressed abroad as well as in Egypt. The report, "Egyptians Abroad: Lost Rights at Home and Abroad," focuses on the large number of cases in which Egyptians face unfair laws or an inability to get justice, particularly in the Gulf states. This is a long standing problem, one addressed often by Amnesty International.

What's new in this report is the growing concern about prison conditions Egyptians face abroad, including in the United States. While obviously the main problems rest abroad, the EOHR says the Egyptian government is also to blame: "From the events that took place, many Egyptians are evidently in Arab and foreign prisons, and they are kept inside the prisons detained with inhuman treatment. The main reason is that Egyptian embassies ignore their presence and do not intervene rapidly and effectively to protect them from prison and the loss of their rights, beside that many of them face murder or stealing," the report said.

The report cites several examples. One is of Mohamed Farag Ahmed Nada, who appears to be caught in no man's land in the Egyptian and Saudi legal systems. The Saudi's arrested him on the basis of an Egyptian Interpol request, the EOHR says, but then that decision was reversed. The Saudi's didn't release him, and the Egyptian's came back with another request. No trial has been held, no charges formally made, but Mohamed Farag Ahmed Nada remains in Saudi detention for the past two years.

Several cases involved the United States: Nabil Ahmed Ahmed Algendy worked in the U.S. since 1979, married and had a son. After 9/11, he found himself arrested and set for deportation. He has been held detained for three years while the order works its way through the court system. He is currently being held in Huston County Prison in New York.

2006-10-09T13:55:00.000-07:00

Attack on Freedom of Press in Egypt

One of the continuing areas of concern is a case against Ibrahim Essa, chief editor of the independent newspaper Al-Dostour. Essa is facing a sentence of one year in jail for running an article in which an Egyptian lawyer discussed his lawsuit against President Hosni Mubarak. Here's some more background to the case, as cited by HRInfo, an independent news agencey.

The good news is this week a court of appeals in Giza has agreed to review the case against Essa. One of the things that is interesting about his case is that the criminal charge brought against Essa and his colleagues, the one that left him with the jail term hanging over his head, was instigated not by the Mubarak government but by public citizens -- some lawyers and others -- with no direct connection to the case. It's an example of citizens themselves creating a chilling environment for free speech. Of course it's entirely possible that these "private" citizens were working at the request of government officials; nevertheless it is a reminder that some of the threats to free speech exist outside of governments.

In general, there is concern that the Mubarak government is ratching up the pressure on the media. The government controls much of the main media sources, but there is still room for independent voices to be heard. Looking at the big picturethe Essa case and a new press law indicates that as the pressure increases on those voices, more voices are pushing back. Here's a good report from the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights on the difficulties Egyptian journalists face and how some of them are managing to challenge the authorities to do their job.

2006-10-06T14:08:00.000-07:00

Ayman Nour to be freed?

There's potentially good news on the Ayman Nour front. Al-Ahram, one of the government's main mouthpieces, ran a report yesterday stating that Ayman Nour, jailed leader of the al-Ghad party, is scheduled to be examined by a medical team today, something that could lead to a presidential pardon.

Here's a link to the story.

I have two thoughts on this, one positive and one not so. The good news is Ayman Nour may get out of jail. His detention, I believe, has been politically motivated, his trial unfair. All of it has been part of the message from the Mubarak government to all hopeful reformers that change is going to be slow and limited.

The second not so hopeful message is that if Nour is released, it is because the government believes his detention has served its purpose of silencing and breaking a popular opponent. In short, he is not longer a challenge to them. During his trial and detention, Nour suffered not just from the legal proceedings but from a vicious campaign led by government-controlled media sources to portray him as a fraud, someone dependent upon Western support, someone alien to Egypt and Egypt politics. Inevitably the attention his campaign received from the West also brought him problems from his natural allies in the diverse opposition movement. As with Saad Ibrahim, the government has successfully been able to split off a prominent political challenger from the public and from normal sources of support. It's ugly, but it's been effective. Upon release, it may be difficult for Ayman to return to his previous level of effectiveness.

I'm hoping I'm wrong and the Egyptian government is making no such calculations but has actually come to see the error of this trial. Let's hope Ayman Nour is released from jail and he is able to pick up his campaign where it was left before his trial.

2006-08-30T05:36:00.000-07:00

Nobel Laureate dies

Naguib Mahfouz, the only Egyptian to win the Nobel Prize for Literature, died today at age 94. His contributions to literature have been widely remarked upon; his contributions to civil society, and as a result to human rights, have been less so.

Mahfouz wrote about the ordinary Egyptian, creating characters who went through the troubled times of the modern world with dignity, even as they made mistakes. Many other writers followed in his wake; indeed he himself created no new ground.

What does this mean for a country caught between authoritarian rule and an opposition marked in part by a extremist ideology too often given to violence? A country where Naguib Mahfouz can thrive is a place where a third option can take root. A country that can celebrate his celebration of ordinary Egyptians is a place where the experiences of others can affect individuals and broaden their own experiences. It is a country where human rights can be given a place of honor.

Mahfouz of course embodied this in his own life. Cautious about making political statements, he nevertheless believed in remaining true to his literature, and that inevitably drew him into the conflict that Egypt now faces. He didn't turn away from that conflict, and nearly paid for it with his life. Others, such as Faraq Foda, weren't as lucky. He received criticism for not being more political or, from some, for getting too close to the Mubarak regime. But in times such as these, a literature of the ordinary is a political act. He refused to submit to narrow and prefabricated ideas of life. Mahfouz sought to express truths that come out of actual experience, to create a social space where people are allowed and encouraged to follow their imagination. That is one important definition of freedom. Inevitably in times such as these, that becomes not just a political act, but a revolutionary one.

Here is the Washington Post story on his death.

2006-08-24T17:18:00.000-07:00

Webcast on Israel/Lebanon

Find out what Amnesty International researchers found out when they visited northern Israel and Lebanon earlier this month as part of an AI mission. AI will sponsor a webcast on Monday, August 28th at 12:00 p.m. EDT with AIUSA's Country Specialist for Israel, the Occupied Territories and the Palestinian Authority Marty Rosenbluth, who traveled to northern Israel earlier this month as part of the mission. To ask a question in advance or to follow the webcast on the 28th, click here.

Amnesty International today released a report declaring that "Israel's destruction of thousands of homes, strikes on numerous bridges and roads as well as water and fuel storage plants was an integral part of Israel's military strategy in Lebanon, rather than "collateral damage" resulting from the lawful targeting of military objectives." For the full report, click here.

A separate report investigating Hezbollah is expected shortly.

2006-08-23T05:39:00.000-07:00

Saad Ibrahim on the 'rough birth of democracy' in the Middle East

A valuable article appears today in the Washington Post by former prisoner of conscience and long-time democracy activist Saad Ibrahim. Here's the full link.

As usual, Professor Ibrahim assesses the current situation with a balanced, nuanced and penetrating perspective. While he praises the Bush administration for its pro-democracy rhetoric, he is sharp in his criticism of them for actions that undermine the rhetoric and for pulling back when democracy leads to the election of people they don't like. While he admits the Israelis have been provoked, he also is sharp for their military response as undermining the future of democracy, which is the one and true hope for long-term peace and stability in the region.

Ibrahim also notes that the alleged turn to radical Islam in the Arab world, which frightens so many in the West, is more complicated. Pointing to public opinion surveys, he notes that none of the Arab government leaders enjoy anything resembling popular support. He concludes with an important message:

"The Arab people do not respect the ruling regimes, perceiving them to be autocratic, corrupt and inept. They are, at best, ambivalent about the fanatical Islamists of the bin Laden variety. More mainstream Islamists with broad support, developed civic dispositions and services to provide are the most likely actors in building a new Middle East. In fact, they are already doing so through the Justice and Development Party in Turkey, the similarly named PJD in Morocco, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Hamas in Palestine and, yes, Hezbollah in Lebanon.

These groups, parties and movements are not inimical to democracy. They have accepted electoral systems and practiced electoral politics, probably too well for Washington's taste. Whether we like it or not, these are the facts. The rest of the Western world must come to grips with the new reality, even if the U.S. president and his secretary of state continue to reject the new offspring of their own policies."

2006-08-15T14:23:00.000-07:00

A Strike against Press Freedom

Imagine you are a journalist working for the New York Times and you are working on an international story. You want to check out what foreign papers are saying on the topic, so you start a search to find .... nothing.

That's what's happening at one of the biggest newspapers in Egypt. A recent report indicates that the pro-government al-Ahram paper installed a filter to block many news and web sites from its internal network. That network serves nearly 15,000 staffers, including some 2,000 journalists. One of the sites blocked is blogger.com, which powers this blog and several other ones on Egypt.

For more, click here.

2006-08-14T14:05:00.000-07:00

Reports from Israel and Lebanon

Amnesty's research team is reporting back from Lebanon and Israel on the current conflict. Their initial findings are reported regularly on a special blog set up. You can read it here.

The one thing that strikes me is how similar both stories are. Civilians on both sides are taking the brunt of the casualties. The death toll is higher on the Lebanon side, but the bottom line is that both sides are bringing the full brunt of their military weight against civilians and it has to stop. The focus on international efforts now has to be on protecting civilians.

In that regard, the sale of cluster bombs to Israel is the exact wrong thing to be doing at this time. In a letter to President Bush, AIUSA Executive Director Larry Cox states the well-documented fact that "cluster bombs present a high risk of violating the international humanitarian law prohibition on indiscriminate attacks." Cluster bombs inevitably bring a higher civilan toll. They are not a weapon to use by an army concerned about keeping to the laws of war and reducing civilian casualties. Their sale has once before been cut off to Israel because of these concerns.

At the same time, Amnesty is likewise concerned about the supply of armaments to Hezbollah and the continued attacks against Israeli citizens. These have to be condemned in the strongest terms.

The cease-fire is a good step. My own expectation, however is low. I'm guessing there will be provocation by Hezbollah, but one that is small in nature. The question will be, as it was at in the beginning of the conflict, how should the Israelis act. My argument continues to be is that this conflict is strengthening Hezbollah and that peace will be worth keeping over such provocations.

2006-07-24T14:01:00.000-07:00

Lebanon's Lesson

Israel's invasion of Lebanon is putting a lot of civilians at risk, and as I have noted, Amnesty International is pointing the finger at both Israel and Hezbollah for targeting civilians. That's the human rights consideration. But I also have a political opinion, and that is Israel's invasion is a mistake. The rationale for that has a lot to do with the situation in Egypt.

My gut feeling is Hezbollah launched the attack that killed Israeli soldiers and kidnapped two others with the complete understanding, the hope even, that Israel would respond with a significant military action. They saw that's what happened in Gaza the week before; they must have known it would happen to them. I think Israel did exactly what they wanted the country to do.

Hezbollah will not be destroyed militarily. It is not primarily a military movement. It came out of the 1982 Israeli invasion. It grew strength from that invasion. Movements of its type always do. Israel's military, like the Americans in Iraq, will sweep in and do a lot of damage, but in the end, Hezbollah will remain, perhaps militarily weaker for now, but stronger in the long term.

Just how much stronger will depend on what the invasion does to the new democratic government in Beirut. The best hope for destroying Hezbollah is widening and strengthening the position of the Beirut government. Since the Cedar Revolution, the government has been new and fragile and had to walk a very tight rope, but it had been maintaining its credibility and growing stronger.

I've talked a lot about the value of patience, and the difficulty of that in times of violence; but here is the classic case where patience was needed. There seems to be a consensus that Hezbollah was weakening after the Cedar Revolution. I believe that if the Cedar Revolution had the time -- and no doubt it would take five years at least -- Hezbollah would slowly die a quiet and final death through the spread of democracy and human rights. Five years is a long time in terms of having to put up with Hezbollah's abuses, but in the long scheme of history it is a short time. Hezbollah's actions against Israel were taken from a position of weakness. It needed the chaos and disorder of war to strengthen itself. My prediction, and I hope I'm wrong, is that the Cedar Revolution will be the greatest casualty of this war; if the government fails, Hezbollah wins and no matter what Israel does, the armed Islamists will come out of this stronger than ever.

What lessons hold for Egypt? If we can sit back and imagine a future for Egypt in which it has its own Cedar Revolution (and what would it be called? Suggestions are welcomed) and a new, but fragile democratic party attempts to maintain its influence over the many competiting bodies of opinion and interests in the country In such a situation, it's not unlikely that armed Islamist groups would take the opportunity to attack Israel, perhaps through Gaza. The groups might even feel compelled to act against Israel because of the threat to them that democratic legitimacy would bring to the government, which is a much more powerful weapon over the long term than any the Mubarak government currently wields. Israel would then behold the same question of response. If it chose military action, I would not like the consequences for Egyptian democracy.

2006-07-19T06:09:00.000-07:00

Free Mohamed El Sharkawy and Karim El Shaer

Two Kifaya activists have been imprisoned for another 15 days by Egyptian officials using administrative detention authority. This is another clear case of Egyptian officials silencing non-violent activists for non-violent political behavior. It's another example of them attempting to muzzle civil society and prevent the growth of any social organization of movement that it can't control. By crushing the vital civil society in Egypt, inevitably this will lead to a bipolar struggle for power between the Mubarak government and the growing Islamist movement. This, I am convinced is exactly what the Mubarak government wants: to force the outside world and -- more importantly Egyptians themselves -- to have to chose between these two options.

Here's the message signed by eight NGOs:

On the 5^th of July 2006, the imprisonment of Mohamed Sharkawy and Karim El Shaer, Kefaya activists was extended again for another 15 days, because of their participation in the solidarity movement with Egyptian judges and despite the release of the remainder of Kefaya activists who were arrested during the same events.

Sharkawy was arrested on the 24^th of April and was released on the 23^rd of May to be arrested again two days later upon his participation in a protest rally in front of the press syndicate. This time, and during his arrest Sharkawy was subject to brutal beatings. He was then taken to Kasr El Nil police station and there he was tortured to the extent that his head and face were disfigured, as well as his sexual abuse in a shameful event that adds to the list of shame and brutality of Ministry of Interior and state security officers who carried out this torture or who have supervised it. Despite the obvious effects of torture on the face and body of Sharakwy when he was summoned to the state security prosecution (on the evening of the 25^th of May), yet the prosecution was reluctant to refer him to forensic medical examination. Furthermore the prosecution did not refer Sharkawy to medical care except one week after he was transferred to prison!

Also, the prosecution did not until now undertake any measures to investigate the attack on Sharkawy, despite its documentation and the availability of eyewitnesses.

Since then state security prosecution continued to extend Sharkawy and Shaer’s imprisonment, in the absence of any reason other than to subject them both to psychological intimidation hoping that Sharkawy would be forced into giving up on his complaint of torture, or isolate him from anybody who could help him seek justice or keep him in prison until the signs of torture have disappeared.

All those events reveal the complicity of the state security prosecution and proves that it is part of the state security apparatus itself and not an independent investigation body. State security prosecution is known for using extended periods of detention as a punishment for dissidents, with no basis in the law.

2006-07-15T08:57:00.000-07:00

Fears Rise Over New Press Law

Egypt's parliament has passed revisions to the controversial 1996 Press Law. The original bill put into law some of the most oppressive practices frequently used to harrass and silence the independent press. Journalists were sent to jail, brought up on spurious libel charges and limited in their ability to launch new papers.

The new revision of the bill hasn't improved things. One provision was moved that would could jail reporters and editors for reporting on the finances of public officials (investigation corruption is one of the key targets for opposition press and one of the things that is most likely to get them into trouble). However, other elements of the bill threaten reporters with jail for criticism of government officials.

Here's an excerpt from a news story about the legislation from the Arab Reform Bulletin:

"The Egyptian parliament’s controversial amendments to the 1996 press and publications law, passed on July 10, do not abolish prison sentences for journalists, despite protests by human rights activists and journalists. Editors-in-chief of some 25 Egyptian independent and party newspapers suspended the publication for one day on July 9 to protest the government-drafted bill and hundred of journalists protested outside the People’s Assembly."

The article further notes legislative changes coming out of the recent dispute with Egyptian judges:

"The People’s Assembly passed a new law of the judiciary on June 26, following a lengthy controversy between the Judges Club and the government. The new law includes two of the Judges Club’s demands: granting the judiciary budgetary independence from the Ministry of Justice and separating the office of the Public Prosecutor from the Ministry. The Public Prosecutor, however, will remain a presidential appointee. But the draft law ignores the judges’ demands that members of the Supreme Judicial Council be elected rather than appointed by the state. On July 2, several judicial officials considered close to the government were appointed to senior positions, including Maher Abdel Wahed (former Public Prosecutor) as head of the Supreme Constitutional Court and Moqbel Shaker as head of the Court of Cassation and Supreme Judicial Council."

2006-07-13T12:56:00.000-07:00

Israel / Lebanon: End immediately attacks against civilians

Although this blog is focused on events in Egypt, the current crisis in Gaza, Lebanon and Israel is too important to ignore. The following is a statement from Amnesty released July 13.

The Israeli and Lebanese governments, and Hizbullah, must take immediate steps to end the ongoing attacks against civilians and civilian objects. Such attacks are a blatant breach of international humanitarian law and amount to war crimes.

It is vital at this time of rapidly rising tension that all parties observe the requirements of international humanitarian law, and that other governments take all appropriate steps to insist that they do so.

"Israel must put an immediate end to attacks against civilians and against civilian infrastructure in Lebanon, which constitute collective punishment. Israel must also respect the principle of proportionality when targeting any military objectives or civilian objectives that may be used for military purposes," said Malcolm Smart, Director of Amnesty International's Middle East Programme.

â€œHizbullah must stop launching attacks against Israeli civilians and it must treat humanely the two Israeli soldiers it captured on 12 July and grant them immediate access to the International Committee of the Red Cross,â€ said Malcolm Smart.

The organization also called on the Lebanese government to take concrete measures to ensure that Hizbullah complies with these obligations under international law.

Background

Some 40 Lebanese civilians have reportedly been killed in Israeli air strikes and artillery shelling against villages in South Lebanon since yesterdayâ€™s cross-border attack by Hizbullahâ€™s armed wing, in which two Israeli soldiers were captured and eight others killed.
Among the Lebanese victims were a family of ten, including eight children, who were killed in Dweir village, near Nabatiyeh, and a family of seven, including a seven-month-

old baby, who were killed in Baflay village near Tyre. More than 60 other civilians were injured in these or other attacks.

Israeli forces have also launched deliberate attacks against civilian objects throughout Lebanon, including Beirut international airport, 10 bridges and an electricity power station, as well as against Hizbullah targets, notably the offices of its al-Manar television station in Beirut and its relay station in Baalbek.

At the same time, Hizbullah has been launching Katyusha rockets into Northern Israel. An Israeli woman was killed and dozens of other civilians were injured when a Katyusha rocket hit a house in the town of Nahariya earlier today.

The Fourth Geneva Convention, prohibits "collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism â€¦" (Article 33). According to Article 147 of the Convention, "extensive destruction ... not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly," hostage-taking and "torture or inhuman treatment" are grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions and constitute war crimes. All state parties to the Convention are required to search for and ensure the prosecution of perpetrators of grave breaches of the said Convention.

Protocol I Additional to the Geneva Conventions codifies the principle of distinction, a customary rule of international humanitarian law: "In order to ensure respect for and protection of the civilian population and civilian objects, the Parties to the conflict shall at all times distinguish between the civilian population and combatants and between civilian objects and military objectives and accordingly shall direct their operation only against military objectives." (Article 48). International Humanitarian Law strictly prohibits attacks against civilians and civilian objects. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) includes as war crimes: â€œIntentionally directing attacks against the civilian population as such or against individual civilians not taking direct part in hostilitiesâ€, and â€œIntentionally directing attacks against civilian objects" (Article 8 2 (b) (i) and (ii)).

2006-07-13T08:23:00.000-07:00

Egypt's "Brokeback Mountain"

The most controversial and popular movie in Egypt right now is The Yacoubian Building,
a film based on a best-selling book. The film is notable for its depiction of gay life in Egypt and for its portrayal of how oppressive government practices fuels civil violence.

Here's a excerpt to a story about the film in the Middle East Times:

However, despite the popularity of the film, the blatant depiction of homosexuality in it has created a divide among Egyptians and members of parliament.

One-hundred-and-twelve Egyptian deputies have decided to bring the issue to a head, creating a committee to review the movie and decide what should be cut; Scenes portraying homosexuality top the list.

"Mustafa Bakri [MP] saw it and he was enraged and came to the people's assembly saying one-third of the movie is about perversion," says Hamdi Hassan, head of the Muslim Brotherhood bloc in parliament.

"This depiction of perversion is unjustified. These scenes are rejected by religion and the values of the Egyptian society, even if the society suffers from these problems," he adds.

It's not just the Muslim Brothers who are concerned about the film. In fact the MB has refused to condemn the movie, citing the need for freedom of expression. "We are suffering from repression in a closed society, and calling for omission or banning would be a road to confusion," Hassan said.

The article suggests that one reason why the MB won't condemn the movie is its portrayal of government ruthlessness. One character is dragged off to prison and sodomized; the incident leads him to join a militant group.

The film remains uncensored, but many expect that to change. For now, it's popularity stands as an example of the stubborn strength of Egyptian society, the diversity of voices within it and some hope for the maturity of its ability to resist government pressures on issues such as freedom of expression.

2006-07-12T14:02:00.000-07:00

The Poor Treatment of Ayman Nour

Family members of Ayman Nour have released a statement urging public pressure to encourage President Mubarak to release Nour from prison. His condition continues to grow worse. Nour, who suffers from a heart condition, diabetes and other ailments, recently had to pull one toenail out himself while in his cell to prevent further infection and even amputation of the toe. Proper medical care had been denied him, according to the family.

He also suffers injuries from torture, according to the family. He is prevented from writing and receiving correspondence while in jail and is under surveillance 24 hours a day.

The more promising news is that more than 110 members of parliament, including members of Mubarak's own party, signed a petition asking Mubarak to use his constitutional right to give Nour a supervised release.

If you want to contact President Mubarak to add your voice, here's how to do it:

His Excellency Muhammad Hosni Mubarak
'Abedine Palace
Cairo
EGYPT
Tel: + 20 2 910 288 / 243 1915
Fax: + 20 2 390 1998
E-mail: webmaster@presidency.gov.eg (emails sometimes bounce back from this address)

2006-07-11T17:57:00.000-07:00

Is Egypt targeting bloggers?

Now that detained blogger Alaa Ahmed Seif al-Islam has been freed, Egyptian authorities are using his release to claim that there's freedom of expression in the country. The World, a National Public Radio news program, took a look at the issue in its Monday's broadcast. Here's the report.

I applaud the news attention to this issue. I think the report exposes the fallacy of the Egyptian government claims that there is no need for concern because there is a plethera of viewpoints being expressed in Egypt. I was touched by Alaa's recollection of a security official looking at his blog with him prior to his release. A writer always appreciates knowing he has an audience!

But there is reason for concern. The variety of opinions in Egypt is historical. Egypt is a society with a long and strong history of civil society and a vigorous civil discussion. That is part of the background to this issue. Systemmatically, the Egyptian government has tried to pare away that history, using first State of Emergency powers and then adding to that a series of expanded powers passed by the parliament. I date the latest effort to 1996 with the first of a series of press laws that put journalists and human rights defenders at risk. That was followed by crackdown on professional societies coming under the control of Muslim Brothers. That was followed by a 1999 NGO law that held the threat of government action against any NGO at any time.

The point is even is all the jailed bloggers have been freed, there's little reason to feel confident. The laws and the precedents are there for the government to act to curtail anyone's freedom of speech at any time. And the Egyptian government has shown time and time again that if it has the power to do something, it will do it.

No, the only basis on which to judge whether Egypt has freedom of expression is the statutory ability of the government to silence critics. When the Mubarak regime ends the State of Emergency and abolish articles of the penal code and other legislation that, in violation of international standards, allows it to detain people for their free speech, when all that power is taken away, then that claim can be made. The courage and strength and speech of political opponents in Egypt is impressive; the fact that they don't have the legal right to such speech is not.

2006-07-10T11:28:00.000-07:00

Abusing Emergency Powers in Egypt

Amnesty International today called on the Egyptian government to ensure that a new law on terrorism currently being drafted does not entrench powers that have facilitated torture, unfair trials and other grave human rights violations under Egypt’s long running state of emergency.

The organization sent a memorandum to President Hosni Mubarak highlighting its concerns about secret detentions and enforced "disappearances", torture and ill-treatment of detainees, unfair trials before special and military courts, the death penalty, and the impunity accorded to state officials responsible for perpetrating torture and other human rights violations. The organization said that these violations have been committed under powers conferred on state officials under the state of emergency, which has been continuously in force since 1981. It was most recently renewed in April 2006 for a period of two years or until the new anti-terror law is in place.

The memorandum also describes the cases of people forcibly returned to and detained in Egypt in the context of the so-called war on terror, under the US government’s unlawful renditions policy, on the basis of "diplomatic assurances" or by other Arab governments. Many of these suspects have effectively "disappeared" since their return to Egypt; the authorities have not acknowledged holding them or disclosed their identities, nor divulged the legal reasons for their detentions or where they are being held.

In its letter to President Mubarak, Amnesty International said it recognized the threat posed to Egypt by terrorism and utterly condemned the recent bomb attacks carried out at Taba, Sharm el-Sheikh and Dahab which targeted civilians, causing many deaths and injuries. In combating terrorism and in carrying out their responsibilities to maintain public safety and punish crime, however, the Egyptian authorities must abide by their obligations under international human rights law, including the absolute prohibition on torture. The new law against terrorism should be formulated taking these obligations into account. It should not entrench the abusive powers of the government’s state of emergency and lead to a perpetuation of the gross abuses which have occurred under it. Other laws -- such as those restricting press freedom and the activities of non-governmental organizations -- should also be amended and brought into conformity with international human rights law.

Amnesty International made this call ahead of an international conference on "Terrorism: the Legal Challenges", which will be held on 8-9 July in Cairo under the auspices of the Centre of Parliamentary Studies of the People’s Assembly, Egypt’s Parliament.

2006-06-23T05:39:00.000-07:00

Blogger freed

Egyptian police today told arrested blogger Alaa Ahmed Seif al-Islam June 20 that he would be released. The process was expected to take at least a day, but by now he should be home with his wife. It's not clear whether charges remain hanging over him, but at least he is out of danger for now. He was arrested May 7, 2006, while taking part in a peaceful protest in support of two judges threatened with removal from the bench for exposing electoral fraud and also to call for the release of protesters detained in earlier demonstrations. To read his blog, click here.

This is great news, and thanks to everyone who came to his help. Concern remains that the government will continue to focus its harassing eye on the free speech efforts of the Internet community. As more Egyptians are turning to the Internet to build a civil community independent of government control and to share information about democracy and human rights, the government has stepped up harassment of blogging activists. In the past year, several bloggers have been arrested for activities that appear to be related to their free speech activities on the web. A half-dozen bloggers were detained during non-violent street protests this May and June in Egypt.

2006-06-19T14:08:00.000-07:00

Egypt and the death penalty

Brothers Ezzat and Hamdi Ali Hanafi were executed by hanging at 6am local time on 18 June, at the Arab Tower (Borj al-'Arab) Prison in Alexandria, northwest of Cairo.

The two men had been sentenced to death on 25 September 2005 after an unfair trial before the (Emergency) Supreme State Security Court (ESSSC). ESSSCs are exceptional courts created under the state emergency, which has been in force since 1981. Trials before these courts violate basic principles for a fair trial, including the right to appeal before a higher tribunal. Those tried before these courts can only lodge a petition to President Mubarak or his nominee to quash or reduce their sentence. Had Ezzat and Hamdi Ali Hanafi been tried before an ordinary criminal court, both of them would have had the chance to appeal to the Court of Cassation on grounds of procedural irregularity. On a number of occasions the Court of Cassation has ordered retrials for people sentenced to death by criminal courts of first instance. They had been arrested in March 2004 and convicted of using an area of land belonging to the state to grow unspecified ''drugs''; when the security forces raided the property, they allegedly offered armed resistance, and took hostages to use as human shields.

It's hard to talk in America about the death penalty in Egypt. Amnesty International considers the death penalty a human rights violation and opposes it in all circumstances, but some argue that there are better places for AI to focus it's attention. I've had Arabs and Muslims simply laugh at me when we discuss the death penalty. My own state of North Carolina is likely to execute more people than the nation of Egypt will this year. Last year, Egypt went the entire calendar year without an execution, while the United States executed dozens. The U.S. State Department of course doesn't even include mention of the death penalty in its annual human rights report, as it doesn't recognize the death penalty as a human rights violation. In short, one reasonable opinion to take away from all of this is to underscore just simply out of whack the United States is in the number of executions it carries out compared to the rest of the world.

So why bother?

Let me try just one argument out here. The argument is that the death penalty is so closely intertwined with other human rights abuses, that it is impossible to work on human rights and not discuss capital punishment. Let's take torture. It is impossible to oppose the infliction of pain by Egyptian security forces without also addressing the ultimate infliction of pain by the government. It is also impossible to oppose a system that allows information extracted from torture to be used in criminal cases without also opposing the executions that come from those trials. Let's take unfair trials. It is impossible to oppose trials that fail to meet international standards, that limit defendants' right of appeal, that limit access to information for their defense attorneys, that prevent defendants and their attorneys from conducting an adequate defense, it is impossible to oppose all this and not oppose the executions that sometimes come from these trials.

Opposition to the death penalty frequently is confused with defense of the criminals. These Egyptian brothers appear to be serious criminals, although that judgment must be tempered by Amnesty's concerns about the fairness of their trial. All governments have the right, in fact they have the obligation, to prosecute criminals of these sort. But as the experience of many abolitionist countries show, that obligation does not require the death penalty. The existence of the death penalty in these countries -- covered as it is in secrecy, torture, twistings of the judicial system and assault on the powerless -- arises out of human rights abuses, rather than from any central tenet of the judicial system. The Egyptian and American experiences show that if there were no human rights abuses in the system, the system would produce no executions.

For more read about the death penalty in Egypt, click here.

2006-06-15T18:49:00.000-07:00

Torture is Systemmatic in Egypt

Comes today not one but two allegations of torture and mistreatment out of Egypt. One comes from Mohamed Sharkawy, A KIFAYA activist who is in jail for allegedly insulting President Mubarak. Sharkawy suffers from broken ribs and other health problems but is denied proper medical attention.

The other claim comes from a former AI prisoner of conscience, who previously was convicted for "habitual debauchery" and jailed because, Amnesty believes, of his sexual orientation. One of Zaki's friends told Amnesty, "He is in the process of trying to get a student visa to attend Concordia University in Montreal, where he has been accepted in September. Yesterday he had to go to the police headquarters in Cairo for a police statement to get a Quebec Certificate. While there, he was detained several hours and tortured, and the police certificate they gave him said he was convicted of prostitution rather than 'habitual debauchery'. Because prostitution is a crime in Canada as well as in Egypt, this could stand in the way of his getting a visa in time to start Concordia." UPDATE: The friend who passed on that information now is informed that Zaki was not tortured while at the police station, but the experience of being kept for hours during the visa process resurrected his feelings of the past experiences in jail. My apologies for passing on this bad information, although we continue to be following the case to ensure that his efforts to obtain a visa are not improperly hindered.

A lot of attention has always been paid to the brutal manners of the security forces, their use of beating of opponents and demonstrators, and their use of torture to extract confessions from political prisoners. But these story is very common. When torture is systemmatic, it's everyone who is at risk. The actress who is stopped in a traffic incident. The teenager brought in on charges of stealing a bicycle. And, as these stories suggests, a citizen simply attempting to get a form from a public official.

The nature of torture is that it knows no boundaries. Once you let it in, once it becomes systemmatic, it finds it's way to all places.

2006-06-14T13:52:00.000-07:00

Take Action to Defend Human Rights Blogger

Alaa Ahmed Seif al-Islam, a twenty-four-year old Egyptian blogger, was detained in central Cairo on May 7, 2006 while taking part in a peaceful protest in support of two judges threatened with removal from the bench for exposing electoral fraud and also to call for the release of protesters detained in earlier demonstrations.

Click here to take action to defend Alaa Ahmed Seif al-Islam through Human Rights First, a group dedicated to helping human rights defenders.

More Egyptians are turning to the Internet to build a civil community independent of government control and to share information about democracy and human rights. And the government is taking notice. This isn't the first arrest of an Egyptian blogger. In November, authorities arrested blogger "Kareem Amer" for his writings about Islam. He was also fired from his university.

These two arrests raise the concerns that led Amnesty International UK to launch a new site called "irrespressible.info." The purpose is to harness the international community to protect the Internet as a tool for human rights, to call attention to abuses of the Internet by governments and to tell the stories of human rights defenders working online. One section is dedicated to online comments that governments have attempted to censor. I've added a feed of these comments in the right-hand column of this blog.

2006-06-13T13:47:00.000-07:00

Is there hope for the liberal opposition?

The always valuable newsletter of Saad Ibrahim's Ibn Khaldun Center for Development Studies has a report from Tim Eaton this month discussing the fights within political opposition parties. It's a sad but not uncommon story.

The general outline of the story is an autocratic government's strategy of divide and conquer.
Permanent oppression at first can create a sense of unity in opposition groups, but after decades of this, the fault lines start showing both between opposition groups and within them. New generation of leaders arrive challenging old leaders' ways. (Incidentially, if anyone is interested in a fascinating look at how the Civil Rights movement started fragmenting after the success of the Voting Rights Act in 65, check out Taylor Branch's latest book on America in the King Years.)

The same thing has happened in Egypt. Eaton's reports of the violent effort by Noman Gomaa to retake power of the Wafd party. For more click here. At the same time, the once promising al-Ghad party is breaking up into impotence with intraparty disputes and with Ayman Nour in jail.

Of course the beneficiary is not just the NDP, but the Muslim Brotherhood, the one opposition group who has been able to maintain its cohesion despite years of oppression. Eaton dispares that there is no "third way" option between the NDP and the MB in the foreseeable future.

Eaton's comments are realistic, and it's been truly sad to see so often the Egyptian opposition turn its anomosity upon itself. Saad Ibrahim himself faced severe criticism even as he was languishing in jail.

There are times in which I am optimistic; when I think of the other oppositions in Chile, South Africa, Eastern Europe, which also faced division, but with patience waited for their moment and acted in a miraclous unity. The unity shown in the judges protest offers one glimpse that there might be another way. As those moments fade away into another temporary calm, we can still hope that those were the building blocks for something stronger, something later.

2006-06-09T12:37:00.000-07:00

Letter from Ayman Nour: "Exert Every Effort to Defend My Fair Case"

Jailed democracy activist Ayman Nour is continuing his work from behind bars. Here is a letter he has sent to the world community:

I address this very short letter to you and to all the honorable and free people in the world, to all the representatives of the free people and those whose consciences refuse oppression, injustice, false accusations and merciless murder.

My letter is very short due to the circumstances out of my control restricting my freedom and depriving me of my human rights, the foremost of which is the right to write, express and reject the injustice and suffering I am subjected to!!

The day my freedom was taken away in January 2005, your great efforts –after God and combined with the efforts of my supporters- played a crucial role in my release. The first faces I saw –an honor to me- were the faces of a delegation of European male and female parliament representatives. Your visit to me during my imprisonment is not only reason for breaking the doors of this prison and my temporary release, it also gave me the possibility of exercising my right in running for the first presidential election. I was imprisoned to prevent me from running for the election in January 2005. With God's grace and the enthusiasm of the reformists I was able to come in second to the president and be the only competitor to him and his son despite the rigging and all forms of injustice, defamation and changing the results. I also paid an extra price when my constituency's election results were rigged thus causing me to lose my permanent seat in the parliament due to blatant rigging. Some of you were in Cairo and witnessed a part of the tragedy.

Today I pay a new and high price as punishment for having run for the presidential election. I am also being prevented from continuing the democratic reform path in Egypt so that the current regime can strengthen its presence by claiming there is no alternative for it other than fundamentalism and terrorism, thus forcing people inside and outside Egypt to accept its presence.

Unfortunately, ladies and gentlemen, I do not pay this price alone. My children, family, party, my whole generation and all the reformists in this country pay the price, too. I lost my freedom, my work as a lawyer, journalist and chairman of the first and only civil political party to be established in a quarter of a century, the duration of Mubarak's rule. I am threatened of remaining in prison for five years and prevented from exercising my political rights for another five years to guarantee that Egypt is inherited by Mubarak's son, as well as making me an example to anyone who thinks of breaking the power monopoly not only in Egypt but in the Arab world!!

I call upon you to exert every effort to defend my fair case not for my sake, nor for the sake of my children or my party that is being destroyed, my human rights which are violated in this prison every morning, or my life which illness, injustice and oppression are eating away at. I ask you to defend my fair case to keep hope alive for the coming generations which we do not want to lose hope. It is for these generations that I call upon you to exert every effort to defend my fair case and to visit me in prison to witness the truth which the Egyptian regime is very good at concealing and telling lies to prove the opposite. Free people of the world. I am dying alone for a principle, for my country and for freedom. Please raise my voice before my spirit departs this world.

Ayman Nour

2006-06-08T19:17:00.000-07:00

The Emperor Strikes Back

The Egyptian government took action today against one of the most critical elements of the U.S. democracy initiative. According to the BBC, the government shut down Egyptian operations by the International Republican Institute in Egypt until the group got permission. An Egyptian spokesman accused the local head of the institute, Gina London, of interfering in Egypt's internal affairs.

The same day, the U.S. House of Representatives rejected an effort to cut aid to Egypt. Opponents cited, among other things, the growing human rights crisis in Egypt.

The combination of these two events means that the official U.S. government effort to promote democracy in Egypt, already fairly mortibund, is dead. The half-hearted U.S. government effort, promoted by many well intended diplomats and activists but always undercut by a lack of true U.S. government leverage and its "war on terror," never really had much of a chance. Intellectually, the government has never been able to achieve any kind of credibility in its democracy promotion efforts because of our own record of human rights abuses in the war on terror. Politically, we were always reluctant to force a true showdown on human rights and democracy because of the Egyptian's "moderate" role in relations with Israel and against Islamist extremists.

Despite it's miserable results, I am particularly sad about the crackdown on the IRI. If I were to have one wish, it is that the government concentrated its efforts on providing support to the activists within the country -- which is the IRI's mission. I can't vouch for all of its programs, but its role in providing training and support and to a small degree, funds for Egyptian activists, we were doing the right thing.

When the Egyptian government accuses the IRI of meddling in internal affairs, well, that is what human rights activists do. We meddle. We interfer. But we should always do so on behalf of activists in the country. They are the ones who will make a difference. On the crime of interfering on their behalf, if we are doing the right thing, we should be guilty as charged.

2006-05-22T14:04:00.000-07:00

Amnesty Releases Annual Report;
Section on Egypt criticizes government muzzling civil society

There's plenty of bad news throughout the 2006 Amnesty International Annual Report. However, to AI Executive Director Larry Cox, the most disappointing news was that the continued efforts bo the world's greatest powers, including the United States, was draining resources and attention from some of the greatest tragedies on earth.

" It is difficult to believe that the United States government, which once considered itself an exemplar of human rights, has sacrificed its most fundamental principles by abusing prisoners as a matter of policy, by ‘disappearing’ detainees into a network of secret prisons and by abducting and sending people for interrogation to countries that practice torture such as Egypt, Syria and Morocco," Cox said. "It remains the most painful of truths that its policies on torture make it possible to add the United States to a shameful list of governments that includes those once led by Augusto Pinochet and Hafez al-Assad.

"Even less known than the outsourcing of torture is the U.S. government’s extensive outsourcing of military detention, security and intelligence operations, which may be fueling serious human rights abuses. And most of those who commit these abuses seem to be getting away with it."

But it is certainly not just the United States. China and Russia also comes in for significant criticism. China continues to imprison tens of thousands of political prisoners, including in psychiatric hospitals; Amnesty International documented at least 1,770 executions last year, though the number is likely to be far higher, Cox said. As with the U.S., their efforts held back real resolution of problem areas such as Darfur and restricted real reform and democratic hopes in places such as Egypt.

Speaking of Egypt, the report hit upon the main themes of human rights abuses AI has repeatedly addressed throughout the year. Systemmatic torture, a lack of political and legal rights, continued use of State of Emergency powers to limit civil society and civil rights and continued use of the death penalty. Armed groups were also criticized for bombings in Cairo and Sharm el-Sheikh.

Here's the section on Egypt:

2006-05-18T07:00:00.000-07:00

Police Beat Protesters

New day, same story. The government has given up all pretense of reform. Thursday saw not one, but two large protests. Reports indicate at the one in downtown Cairo was broken up by armed security forces. As with other protests, the security forces were aided in their effort by plainclothes civilians who can be described as well, "thugs." The photo left is of security officers attacking a photo reporter at the event.

The protests in Cairo came as two hearings -- one on the judges the other on Ayman Nour's appeals were being held. According to news reports, one judge, Hesham Bastawisi was reprimanded and facings being dismissed. The second judge was acquitted. Nour's appeal was rejected. None of this was a surprise.

At the same time, the Muslim Brothers, who participated in the downtown protest along with Kifaya and other opposition groups, had their own protest as well in an area called Abasaya. There were no press reports there, but activists are saying the beatings and arrests were even more fierce there because of the lack of press attention.

Here's what the media is saying:

The Washington Post ran the AP story focusing on the beatings and Nour's declining health

The BBC led with Bastawisi's reprimand.

The New York Times focused on the beatings.

2006-05-16T14:10:00.000-07:00

Egyptian Democracy Press Conference

On the eve of Ayman Nour's appeal (on the 18th), a press conference will be held tomorrow to bring attention to the case and to the hopes for Egyptian democracy. One of the speakers will be Nour's representative, Anna Mahjar Barducci.

The topics will be
1. Case of Ayman Nour & independence of the Egyptian judiciary
2. Terrorism in Egypt and the Emergency Law
3. Human rights and specifically violence against the Christian Coptic community

Key speakers will include: Amir Salem, Director of the National Association for Human Rights, Lawyer for the Egyptian Court of Cassation; Adel Guidy, representative of Copts of Europe, and Barducci.

During the press conference will be presented a transatlantic petition, signed by US Congressmen and Senators and MEPs, calling upon the Egyptian Government to free Ayman Nour, sponsored by MEP Vatanen.
Journalists will also receive a copy of MEP Vatanen’s letter to the Egyptian President, Mr Hosni Mubarak, appealing to the immediate release of Ayman Nour, journalists and judges, showing concern for human and civil rights in the country.

2006-05-14T11:20:00.000-07:00

Detained Prisoners at Risk

The el Nadim Center for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Torture and Domestic Violence has circulated an alert about several of the prisoners arrested in the Judges protests who are at risk for their lives. Three of them have serious health issues and aren't getting necessary health treatments while in prison. One of them is "at risk of death," the center said. Below is the statement and action request

Doctor Mohammed Zare’e, who was detained on 11/5/2006 while demonstrating in support of judges, is facing the danger of death, since he has" insulin dependent diabetes" unstable state. At present Zare’e suffers from diabetic foot, peripheral neuropathy, hypertension.

Any delay in referral of Zare’e to a well equipped hospital may lead to gangrene and septicemia. This complication may lead to death.

In addition to the critical case of Zareh there are two other detainees who are also seriously ill: Yasser Al Drouby has "insulin dependent diabetes" and

Ahmed Salaah who has "chronic obstructive lung disease and emphysema".

We call upon you to appeal for the release of Mohammed Zare’e, Yasser Al Drouby and Ahmed Salah or at least transfer them to a suitable hospital.

Contact:

President Hosni Mubarak: Fax: +202 3901998

Minister of Justice: Fax: +202 7922263 -7922265 -7922267

Minster of Health: Fax: +202 7953966

Attorney general: Fax: +202 5757165

Doctor Hamdy Al Sayyed, Head of Doctor's Syndicate: Fax: +202 7962751

Prison Administration: Fax: + 202 5741871

(My note: The Egyptian embassy in the United States can be reached by phone at (202) 895-5400. It's fax is (202) 244-4319. E-mail is embassy@egyptembdc.org

2006-05-12T05:49:00.000-07:00

Amnesty International Statement on Beatings of Cairo Protesters

Amnesty International is greatly concerned by today’s events in Cairo when riot police violently dispersed hundreds of peaceful protestors demonstrating in support of two senior judges who are being disciplined for criticising last year’s parliamentary elections.

According to reports, riot police and men in plain clothes who were assisting them used excessive force against the demonstrators, beating them with truncheons and carrying out other assaults. This occurred when the protestors attempted to make their way to the High Court building, where the two judges, Mahmoud Mekki and Hisham Bastawisi, were due to appear to face accusations that they violated judicial rules by publicly criticising fraud and other irregularities during the elections. Tens of protestors were arrested and several journalists seeking to report the events were also briefly detained. A cameraman working for Al Jazeera was reportedly assaulted by police who also seized his equipment.

Police also used sealed off the area in which the hearing was to take place and used force against peaceful demonstrators when the two judges first appeared before the disciplinary panel on 27 April (see Egypt: Disciplinary action against judges a challenge to judicial independence, AI Index: MDE 12/007/2006, 28 April 2006), when the case against them was postponed until today to enable defence lawyers to review the case files against them. The two judges refused to attend today’s hearing in protest at the actions taken to prevent their supporters being present and the disciplinary panel postponed the case for a further week.

Amnesty International is calling on the Egyptian authorities to order an independent investigation into reports of excessive use of force by police and to ensure that any police officers or other officials alleged to have violated human rights are held to account.

2006-05-11T06:40:00.000-07:00

The Security Force Beatings Continue

Reuters is reporting three more non-violent demonstrations Thursday were violently broken up by security forces. Six reporters were briefly detained at one demonstration, and photographers from Reuters and al-Jazeera were dragged away. The al-Jazeera cameraman was "badly beaten," according to the Reuters report.

The protests were in support of judges facing a disciplinary committee for criticizing election abuses last year. At one of the demonstrations, more than 300 Muslim Brothers appeared, according to news reports. Dozens of MB members have been arrested, according to the movement.

But it's not just the Muslim Brothers. Secular opponents, political party members and members of the judiciary are part of this growing groundswell of protest. The demonstrations to date have been vocal but small; today's was so large that some Cairo shops in the vicinity of the three protests closed up. But while the demonstrators are growing in number, according to news reports they are still outnumbered by the "thousands" of security forces who were called upon to prevent the protesters from entering the court house. Inside, two judges Mahmoud Mekky and Hesham Bastawisi face charges deemed unfair by many activists. They charge the government is attempting to crack down on the traditional independence of the Egyptian regular judiciary.

Here is the BBC report:

Here is the Reuters report:

2006-05-09T09:21:00.000-07:00

Fear of Execution after an Unfair Trial

Brothers Ezzat and Hamdi Ali Hanafi have been sentenced to death after an unfair
trial, and could be executed at any time. The sentence has been sent to the
supreme religious authority (Mufti) for approval. President Hosni Mubarak still
has the power to commute the sentence.

Ezzat and Hamdi Ali Hanafi were sentenced to death on 25 September 2005 by the
(Emergency) Supreme State Security Court (SSSC), whose procedures fall far short
of international fair trial standards. They had been arrested in March 2004 and
convicted of using an area of land belonging to the state to grow unspecified
"drugs"; when the security forces raided the property, they allegedly offered
armed resistance, and took hostages to use as human shields.

The brothers are the first defendants sentenced to death by the SSSC since 1998,
according to the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights. Under the Emergency
Law, which has been in force in Egypt since 1981, they had no right to appeal
against this verdict and could only lodge a petition to quash or reduce the
sentence. On 2 May the Deputy Military Governor of Egypt rejected this petition.
Under the state of emergency, the Deputy Military Governor is equivalent to
President Mubarak's deputy.

Had they been tried before an ordinary criminal court, both defendants would
have had the chance to appeal to the Court of Cassation on grounds of procedural
irregularity. On a number of occasions the Court of Cassation has ordered
retrials for people sentenced to death by courts of first instance.

RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible:
- expressing concern that brothers Ezzat and Hamdi Ali Hanafi are under sentence
of death and could be executed at any time;
- explaining that you are opposed to the death penalty in all cases, as a
violation of the right to life (as set out in Article 3 of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights: (Everyone has the right to life, liberty and
security of person(), which has never been shown to deter crime more effectively
than other punishments, and is brutalizing to all involved in its application;
- urging the Mufti not to approve the death sentences;
- urging the President to use his constitutional powers to grant clemency and
commute this and all other outstanding death sentences;
- drawing attention to the world trend towards abolishing or reducing the use of
the death penalty, in accordance with Article 6 of the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights, to which Egypt is a state party.

APPEALS TO:
H.E. Muhammad Hosni Mubarak
President of the Arab Republic of Egypt
'Abedine Palace
Cairo, Egypt
Fax: 011 20 2 390 1998
E-mail: webmaster@presidency.gov.eg

2006-05-08T07:39:00.000-07:00

More Arrests Today

Activists are reporting the detention of another 8 peaceful protesters, May 7, following a non-violent demonstration in Cairo outside a courthouse in South Cairo. According to reports, Sami Sedhom, Assistant to the Egyptian Minister of Interior, led the assault. He yelled at the demonstrators, “You bitches. You sons of bitches. This is how it is going to be from now on if you do not behave and know your limits. If you do not behave you’ll have the bottom of my old shoes all over you”.

Activists say the following people were arrested:

- Ahmed Abdel Gawad, Ghad party, youth for change activist

- Ahmed Abdel Ghaffar, youth for change activist

- Alaa Ahmed Seif, youth for change activist, and son of Ahmed Seif the director of the Hisham Mubarak Law Center, one of the most outspoken human rights organizations in Egypt.

- Asmaa Ali, Center for socialist studies and youth for change activist

- Fadi Iskandar, Karam party, youth for change activist

- Karim El Shaer, labor party and youth for change activist

- Nada el Qassas, Kefaya movement

- Rasha Azab, youth for change activist

2006-05-08T07:15:00.000-07:00

Detainees start hunger strike

Forty of the people arrested by the government in the wake of anti-government protests have started a hunger strike and are asking for our support. Here is a public statement of theirs and a list of their requests:

"We, the activists who were kidnapped from in front of the judges’ club and the Cairo court house, at present held in the high security Tora prison:

"Express our complete solidarity with the Egyptian judges, conscience of the nation, in all their demands and condemn the persistent violation of their independence by the Mubarak regime, its repeated extension of the emergency state and escalation of its oppressive policies against reform movements.

"While we willingly pay a small share of the price of freedom for our country, we insist at the same time on our basic human rights, granted to prisoners of war, and announce the beginning of a hunger strike until our following demands are met:

"1- An impartial investigation with state security officers and thugs who brutally broke into our protest and insulted the Egyptian flag by stamping on it upon direct orders of state security officer Walid El Dessouki

"2- An impartial investigation with state security officers who tried to kill 16 of us, by crowding them, while handcuffed to each other, in a closed truck and closing all sources of ventilation after the interrogation at state security prosecution in Heliopolis. This situation lasted for 6 full hours, from 9 pm on Thursday the 27th of April 2006 until 3 am on Friday the 28th of April 2006. We were kept in the police truck throughout parked on the highway in Tora, with all the dangers that this would entail to our safety and life.

"3- An end to the dangers facing 23 of us who are kept among criminal prisoners and an impartial investigation with the prison administration, which ignored our official complaint, dated 4 May 2006, regarding the widespread use of drugs and white weapons in those cells.

"4- An impartial investigation with state security officers who kidnapped us from the streets of Cairo, mostly with Walid El Dessouki, regarding the theft of our personal belongings such as cameras, mobile phones and cash. We also demand an impartial investigation with the prison administration which has neglected the complaint we submitted in that regard, indicating its total submission to the instructions of state security intelligence in violation of the emergency law itself and the bylaws of prison administration.

"5- An impartial investigation in the threats of brutal torture, which we receive from state security officers in prison “as they do with the Islamic groups” they say.

"6- Permission to use the mosque for prayer and access to newspapers and magazines as mentioned in the prison bylaws.

"7- Impartial investigation with prison administration for its discrimination between rich, “connected” prisoners whose cells remain open throughout the day and most of the night without supervision, while poor prisoners are subject to continuous humiliation."

2006-05-06T07:59:00.000-07:00

Family Members Speak Out about Arrests

Despite the continued government harassment, friends and family members of the Egyptians arrested in the last week of April are speaking out about the government. The following statement was issued this week:

"You wonder why we are here and for whom?

"We are here because of the 40 young Egyptian men who were arrested by security authorities last week. Their only crime is that they raised the Egyptian flag and demanded the independence of the judiciary.. an independence that is not controlled but he government or anybody else.. Riot police and officers beat and humiliated 40 citizens who were raising banners and flags.. they were not throwing bombs of knives; they did not steal millions, which they transferred to their accounts in foreign banks; they did not receive bribes nor did they embezzle millions; among them was nobody who owns a fairy that drowned with one thousand Egyptian workers and than fled to London under the pretext of therapy. At the time when terrorist attacks were hitting Sinai, Egyptians security was crashing and detaining Egyptian youth for no crime other than speaking the truth. Last Thursday more then 5 thousand riot police blocked the streets and prevented us fro supporting our honorable judges. They blocked people from going to work, from reaching hospitals; they totally blocked the traffic. They ignored the terrorists in Sinai and focused on the peaceful opposition.

"The irony is that all this happened at the same time when Mubarak was giving his May Day speech talking about peace, freedom and democracy, about safety and security and prosperity. At that very moment his security forces were attacking people because they were expressing their views. Soldiers were stepping with their boots on university students who were in the demonstration. Foreign TVs and newspapers were there filming and reporting the aggression against our sons, daughters and colleagues. However Egyptian TV on all channels were broadcasting Mubarak’s speech, full of lies and fantasies about democracy and how content people are. It was as if he was talking on a totally different country.

"We are here today to protest this injustice and corruption which we face under Mubarak’s regime. We are part of you. We are not strangers. The detainees could have been your brothers or your sons. Put yourself in the place of a mother whose son has been taken away from her and thrown into Tora prison, not knowing whether he was beaten or for what charge he was arrested; not able to know anything about his whereabouts. Those young men were not arrested because of murder or drug dealing. They were arrested because they understand what is going on in our country and are courageously expressing their opinions. Anyone of us could subject to that same arrest because we live under emergency laws. And yesterday Mubarak extended the emergency state for a further two years. This law allows the police to attack people on the streets and to spread fear among people. They can basically detain anybody they want, and ruin their careers, under the pretext that they are “dangerous”.

"We are here to tell this regime that they must release our children, because their detention is illegal; and to protest the extension of the emergency state which led security authorities to neglect the terror in Sinai and show off its power against peaceful young people who demand their rights using banners and statements, without weapons or violence. They ignore the thieves and the terrorists and focus on those who expose corruption.

"If the government was serious about reform which they have been talking about on each and every occasion, it should release the detained youth immediately, it should let people express their views. If the regime was confident that it is being just, if they do not have anything to hide, why should they fear ordinary citizens who talk about corruption?

Join us, because injustice is indiscriminate. Join us so that we can release the detained. Let us follow the ancient wisdom: 'The best deed is a word of justice in the face of a tyrant sultan'”.

Cairo

2006-05-04T18:34:00.000-07:00

An Overview of a Week of Arrests

The following statement was released by a coalition of Egyptian human rights NGOs this week:

Until Saturday morning, the 29th of April 2006, the following was the outcome of the Egyptian regime’s campaign to oppress the political and democratic change movement which organized in support and solidarity with the movement of Egyptian judges demanding the independence of the judiciary from all other authorities, foremost the executive authority:

I. First round of arrests at dawn on the 24th of April 2006:

Several have been arrested, 12 of them have been referred to Kasr el Nil prosecution office (case no. 5476/2006), the prosecution ordered a 15 days extension of their imprisonment and based its decision on the authority of the state security prosecution derived from Article 10 of the emergency law. Names of those arrested in this round:

Adel Fawzi Taufik, Ahmed Fathi, Ahmed Maher, Ahmed Salah, Ahmed Yasser El Droubi, Bassem Hussein, Emad Farid Abdel Latif, Hamada Ragab Mohamed, Mohamed Mekki, Mohamed Sharkawy, Nael Abdel Hamid, Yasser Ismail Zaki.

II. Second round of arrests:

The second round took place on the 26th of April 2006. 16 individuals were summoned to state security prosecution on the 27th of April in high state security case no. 415/2006, which ordered a 15 days extension of their imprisonment. Those are:

Akram Ali Helmia, Bahaa Saber Hemeida, Gamal Abdel Fattah, Hussein Mohamed Ali, Ibrahim El Sahari, Kamal Khalil, Malek Mostafa Mohamed, Moh. Abdel Rahman Kamel, Mohamed Adel Fahmi, Moh. Ahmed el Dardiri, Mohamed Fawzi Imam, Saad Abdallah Hamdi, Saher Ibrahim Gad, Sameh Mohamed Said, Sami Hassan Diab, Yasser El Sayyed Badran

III. Third Round of arrests

The third and most violent round took place on the 27th of April, which is the day of the judges’ extraordinary general assembly meeting. The day witnessed the climax of both the solidarity movement of the judges and also the police aggression against supporters. We do not have an accurate account of the numbers of people arrested, but the following are the names of those who were interrogated by the state security prosecution on the 28th of April 2006, all within the same high state security case no. 415/2006, which again extended their imprisonment of 15 days.

Ali Fathi Ali, Ashraf Ibrahim Mohamed, Emad Fahim Abdel Ghani, Fathi Abdel Raouf, Hamdi Abou El Maati Kenawi, Hani Lotfi El Sawi, Ibrahim abdel Aziz Abdel Dayem, Ibrahim El Sayyed Attia, Karim Mohamed, Mohamed Abdel Latif, Wael Ahmed Khalil

On the same day another list of names was brought to the prosecution. However they were not interrogated and until now we have no information regarding the charges against them nor their legal status. Those are:

Hamada Ragab Ahmed, Ibrahim Mohamed Bahgat, Fayez Hassan Oloum, Sayyed Hassan Abdel Aziz, Ashraf Moh. Abdel Aziz, Walid Gamal Arab, Mubarak Salem Sayyed, Wael Hassan Mohamed, Hamada Moh. Ramdan, Sayyed Mahmoud Moh., Ahmed Gomaa Ahmed, Ibrahim Belal Ibrahim.

During the interrogations a long list of other names were mentioned, charged of agitating demonstrations, distribution of leaflets, destruction of public and private property and blocking the traffic.

All of them are held in the high security Torra prison.

IV. Fourth Round:

On the morning of the 29th of April 2006 police arrested Ihab el Kholy and Amir Hamdi Salem, whose names were among those mentioned in the interrogations. They have been released later in the day.

Charges:

The following are the charges against the various protesters, with small variations among them:

Gathering of more than 5 people with the aim of disrupting the general authority from carrying out its job.

Insult of the president of the republic using public means such as shouting, chanting and writing.

Dissemination of provocation propaganda and malicious rumors which could disrupt public security and cause damage to public interest.

Deliberate block of traffic.

Verbal aggression against police officers while carrying out their job.

Possession of leaflets prepared for distribution and printing tools (spray)

Destruction of some public and private property.

Blocking the roads without permission from relevant authorities.

Agitation to organize demonstrations, distribution of leaflets, and block of traffic.

Legal base for charges

I. Criminal code

Article 179: Imprisonment for the insult of the president; Article 184: Imprisonment and/or 5000-10000 LE fine for insult of parliament, Shura council, army, courts, authorities or public institutions; 15 years imprisonment/ with hard labor for deliberate block or disruption of safety of public transportation; Article 133: No more than 6 months imprisonment or no more than 200 LE fine for verbal or nonverbal insult or threat of public servant or police officer or anybody in charge of a public service during exercise of job; Article 102: Imprisonment and 50-200 LE fine for deliberate dissemination of false news, information, rumors or agitating propaganda which could disrupt public safety, disseminate fear among citizens or damage public interest; also for possession of publications containing any of the above if they were intended to show to others; also for possession of any tool of printing, recording or publicity used, even if temporary, to print or broadcast any of the above; Article 90: Imprisonment no longer than 5 years for deliberate damage of public buildings or possessions or government buildings.

II. Law no. 10 concerning gathering

Article 2: No more than 6 months imprisonment and no more than 20 pounds fine for anybody who participates in a gathering of 5 people at least planning to commit a crime or stop or obstruct the implementation of laws and regulations or influence of authorities AND anybody who knew of the objectives of the gathering and did not move away from it. Also, imprisonment for no longer than two years and a fine of no more than 50 LE for anybody who is carrying a weapon or any instrument which could be lethal if used as a weapon. Article 4: Leaders of the gathering are subject to the same penalties mentioned in article 2, are criminally responsible for any action done by any of the participants even if they were not present at the time of the action.

The Defense:

Refused the interrogation by the state security prosecution for fear of lack of impartiality and called for an appointment of a magistrate in accordance with article 64 of criminal procedures law, in view of the political nature of the charges and in view of the fact that the public prosecutor is appointed by the despotic executive authority.

Unconstitutionality of the state security prosecution.

Egyptian Association against Torture

Arab Network for Human Rights Information

Institution for Freedom of Thought and Expression

Hisham Mubarak Law Center

El Nadim Center

2006-05-01T12:10:00.000-07:00

Egypt: Disciplinary action against judges a challenge to judicial independence

Amnesty International is greatly concerned about the independence of the judiciary in Egypt as disciplinary action is being taken against two senior judges on account of their criticism of alleged fraud and other irregularities during the country’s recent parliamentary elections. As many as eight other judges will reportedly be facing disciplinary action on similar grounds.

Mahmoud Mekki and Hisham Bastawisi, vice-presidents at the Court of Cassation, stood before a disciplinary board in the High Court Building (Dar al-Qadaa al-‘Ali) in Cairo on 27 April 2006 on account of their outspoken criticism of the irregularities that marred parliamentary elections in November and December last year and their pressing for an inquiry into alleged electoral fraud where a number of judges close to the government are said to have been complicit. The hearing was postponed until 11 May in order to allow the defence team representing the two judges to examine the case files.

The disciplinary action against Mahmoud Mekki and Hisham Bastawisi represents a serious challenge to judicial independence in Egypt at a time when there is growing tension between the authorities and the Judges Association about a new draft law on the role and the authority of the judiciary. Amnesty International fears that such an action is linked to their strong vocal stance calling for more independence of the judiciary and condemning the lack of transparency by the authorities concerning the draft law.

Amnesty International regrets that Mahmoud Mekki and Hisham Bastawisi are being disciplined for fulfilling their professional duties with integrity and reporting on electoral fraud as well as for exercising their fundamental right to freedom of expression. In addition, some of the members of the disciplinary board have publicly condemned statements made by the two judges, adding to concerns that they may not receive an impartial hearing.

International standards related to safeguarding the independence of the judiciary and to fairness of proceedings, including disciplinary proceedings against judges, underscore that all disciplinary proceedings shall be fair and determined in accordance with established standards of independence and impartiality. Furthermore, judges, like other citizens, are entitled to exercise their right to freedom of expression, afforded to them in the Egyptian Constitution and the international human right treaties to which Egypt is a state party.

Amnesty International considers that taking disciplinary action against Mahmoud Mekki and Hisham Bastawisi, or intimidating other judges for fulfilling their duties or for freely expressing their views, would violate the Egyptian Constitution and international standards. It would also be inconsistent with the Egyptian authorities’ duty to ensure the independence of the judiciary. The authorities should initiate a transparent consultative process to review the law on judicial authority. Amnesty International is also urging the authorities to release all those who were arrested merely because of peacefully demonstrating in support of the judges and to investigate police abuses.

Based on Amnesty International’s concerns about continuing threats to the independence of the judiciary in Egypt, the organization calls on the Egyptian authorities to extend immediately an invitation to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Independence of the Judges and Lawyers to visit Egypt.

Background
Many judges demonstrating against the referral of Mahmoud Mekki and Hisham Bastawisi before the disciplinary board were confronted by heavy police security, obstructing their march from the Judges Association building to the High Court and sealing off the whole area. Security officers also hit with sticks a number of people who turned out to support the judges, preventing them from approaching the Judges’ Association building and at least 50 people, including political activists, were arrested.

Eight other judges will reportedly be facing disciplinary action for having publicly criticized voting irregularities during parliamentary elections. They include Muhammed al-Khidhiri, Ahmed Mekki, Yahya Galal, Ahmed Saber, Hisham Ginina, Issam Abdelgabbar, Naggi Derbala, and Hossam al-Ghiryani.

Mahmoud Mekki and Hisham Bastawisi had their judicial immunity lifted on 15 April 2006. They are both members of the Judges’ Association, a professional association that represents thousands of judges across the country. The Association refused to sanction the results in a number of voting stations following the vote-rigging reported by more than 100 judges. Under the Egyptian Constitution, judges are vested with the power to supervise elections and endorse its results.

Many members of the Judges’ Association have been very vocal about the lack of transparency with which the Egyptian authorities have been handling amendments to the draft law on judicial authority. The draft law was originally submitted by the Judges’
Association in a move to guarantee the independence of the judiciary. It sought to increase the number of elected seats in the Supreme Judiciary Council (the body that oversees the nomination, appointment, placement and promotion of judges) and to allow the election of the head of the Court of Cassation, who will also serve as head of the Council. The composition of the Supreme Judicial Council is currently decided by the Ministry of Justice.

2006-04-29T10:51:00.000-07:00

More on the Judges Crackdown

News from Egypt: Yesterday Mr Amir Salem and Mr Ehab el Kholy, were taken and interrogated by state security prosecution for inciting masses and insulting the president. These charges, which I believe to be politically motivated, could bring jail time. Both lawyers represent Ayman Nour, who is three weeks away from his appeal. Both are also leading and recognizable human rights defenders.

Mr Salem,53, is the head of the Egyptian Organisation for Human Rights and one of the founders of human rights in Egypt, He is also establishing a new party and is the head of "Lawyers for change movement" and finally, he is the head of Nour's defense team.

Ehab Kholy,43, is a liberal opposition political activist, head of the organisation committee at El Ghad party, Nour's lawyer and was also in charge of mobilizing members in support for judges and for Nour.

Both were among eight or so activists arrested in addition to the crackdown on the judges. Also arrested was Emad Farid, executive director of El Ghad information and media center was also arrested, interrogated and imprisoned for 15 days.

This is horrible, though not unexpected news. The only sign of hope is this is an act of a nervous government, perhaps sensing how tenuous is its legitimacy.

2006-04-27T07:23:00.000-07:00

Government Crackdown on Reformers

Press reports and activists are reporting that police attacked reform demonstrators in Cairo today. The demonstrators were showing support for two pro-reform judges who had been brought before a disciplinary board for accusing the judiciary of helping fix elections.

Outside, the government's usual strong-arm tactics were on display. Inside, the actual hearing of the two judges was adjorned until May 11 after one hour.

Here is a list sent by Egyptian activists of activists taken by state security intelligence yesterday evening from in front of the judges club in Cairo:

Kamal Khalil (Center for Socialist Studies)
Ibrahim El Sahari (Center for Socialist Studies)
Islam Hanafi
Akram El Irani
Bahaa Saber
Hussein Mohamed Ali (Ghad party)
Khaled Ali
Saher Gad (journalist)
Seif Abdallah (Karama party)
Tarek Hassan
Karim Mohamed
Malek Mostafa
Mohamed El Agami
Mohamed Daridir
Mohamed Adel (injured)
Mohamed Abdel Rahman
Mohamed Fawzi Imam
Yasser Badran
Gamal Abdel Fattah
Sameh Mohamed Said
Sami Diab

The following activists were beaten up by the police in front of the press syndicate
Karem Mahmoud
Rasha Azab
Nada Qassas
Ali El Tayyeb
The following activists were kidnapped by state security intelligence yesterday evening from in front of the judges club in Cairo
Kamal Khalil (Center for Socialist Studies)
Ibrahim El Sahari (Center for Socialist Studies)
Islam Hanafi
Akram El Irani
Bahaa Saber
Hussein Mohamed Ali (Ghad party)
Khaled Ali
Saher Gad (journalist)
Seif Abdallah (Karama party)
Tarek Hassan
Karim Mohamed
Malek Mostafa
Mohamed El Agami
Mohamed Daridir
Mohamed Adel (injured)
Mohamed Abdel Rahman
Mohamed Fawzi Imam
Yasser Badran
Gamal Abdel Fattah
Sameh Mohamed Said
Sami Diab

The following activists were beaten up by the police in front of the press syndicate
Karem Mahmoud
Rasha Azab
Nada Qassas
Ali El Tayyeb

In today's papers, the foreign press picked up on the demonstration and arrests, while the American papers focused on the failed bombing attempts in the Sinai. The Middle East Times story says demonstrators chanted "Judges are our voice against dictatorship." The BBC report emphasized the heavy security presence outside the hearing. Marlyn Tadros, an Egyptian activist whose always been a great help to Amnesty International, mentions the beatings in her commentary as well as the arrest of an al-Jazeera editor in Cairo. Baheyya includes video on her blog.

2006-04-26T06:41:00.000-07:00

AI Condemns Dahab bombing

Amnesty International condemns in the strongest terms the bomb attacks which, according to official reports, killed at least 18 people and injured more than a hundred others in the Red Sea resort of Dahab in the Sinai Peninsula on 24 April.

The explosions targeted a restaurant, a cafeteria and a supermarket. While no responsibility for the blasts has been claimed, the authorities continue to investigate any link between these blasts and attacks which took place in Taba in 2004 and Sharm el-Sheikh last year.

Amnesty International has invariably condemned attacks against civilians. Such attacks can never be justified under any circumstance. To the extent that they are widespread or systematic and are intended to further a policy by a government or an organization, they would be crimes against humanity.

The organization recognizes that the Egyptian government has a positive obligation to protect persons under its jurisdiction, including by preventing and punishing acts of terrorism. However, at the same time, the Egyptian authorities have equally a duty to promote and protect human rights at all times, including while combating terrorism. Concrete steps must be taken by the concerned authorities to ensure that suspects are not subjected to torture or other ill-treatment and are afforded all fair trial guarantees. Anyone convicted for such attacks should not be sentenced to death.

Amnesty International calls on the Egyptian authorities not to engage again in arbitrary arrests and detentions, as well as torture and other ill-treatment, as was the case after the bombings in Taba and Sharm el-Sheikh. The bombings in Dahab must not be used to justify any human rights violations by the Egyptian authorities.

2006-04-25T14:00:00.000-07:00

Mubarak's Police Strike Again

Sixteen members of the Judges Club were arrested Monday during a sit-in protesting the government's muzzling of democratic forces. Those arrested included Judge Mahmoud Hamza and Kefaya member Prof. Yehia Qazzas. Supporters also say that activists with the Ghad party -- led by jailed politician Ayman Nour -- were arrested as well. News reports as well as e-mails from activists indicate that one senior judge was beaten before being arrested and was later released from custody. The other 15 remain in custody.

But the arrests are not slowing down the Judges. Word comes today that a big demonstration march will be led Thursday by the judges and other activists in conjunction with the expected official interrogation of the arrested judges that day.

Here's what other bloggers and the media are saying about the arrests.

The BBC reports on the event.

Middle East Times mentions the use of force by security officials.

The Muslim Brothers also cited the event.

2006-04-19T13:15:00.000-07:00

Will Return April 24

Sorry, I will not be able to post until then

2006-04-05T09:12:00.000-07:00

Below the Radar: Secret Flights and American Renditions

In May 2005, three stunned and traumatized Yemeni men emerged from a covert network of US-run prisons scattered across continents. They had been transported from site to site on secret flights and detained since 2003 without any contact with the outside world. Amnesty International went to Yemen to interview them and the men's gruelling stories shed a glimmer of light on the murky system of captures, transfers and secret detention that has been developed by the USA in the "war on terror".

Muhammad Bashmilah and Salah 'Ali Qaru were arrested in Jordan and transferred to US custody in October 2003. Two months later Muhammad al-Assad was arrested in Tanzania and handed to US officials. As far as their families were concerned, the men then "disappeared".

In fact, they were held in at least four secret US-run facilities, probably in three different countries. From the information subsequently provided by the men, it is likely they were held in Djibouti, Afghanistan and somewhere in Eastern Europe.

This story comes from a new report by Amnesty International documenting a tangled history of renditions, CIA cover companies and secret detention sites, and an equal trail of lies, deceptions and human rights abuses.

Egypt is in the thick of it. The CIA, using planes leased by front companies as well as legitimate aviation firms, has secretly transferred terror suspects into the custody of Egypt and other states where torture is known to accompany interrogation.

The former director of the CIA's counter-terrorism centre described what happened to one detainee who had been rendered to Egypt: "they promptly tore his fingernails out and he started telling things". In some cases, the conditions of detention, including prolonged isolation, have themselves amounted to cruel treatment. Yet no one can investigate these abuses, much less stop them, because the identity, condition and whereabouts of most rendition victims remain concealed.

Amnesty International is calling for an end to secret detentions, renditions, the use of transfers of individuals to places where they will be subjected to torture. Specifically for the American government, we call upon them to end secret detention sites, and to ensure anyone being held in U.S. custody around the world can get access to legal representation.

To read the full report, click here.

To read the Amnesty blog discussion on torture, click here.

To see an animated map of a CIA rendition flight path, click here.

Blog discussion of the report:

Craig Persal's Journal

Jurist Paper Chase

Associated Press story

2006-03-24T13:57:00.000-08:00

The End for the State of Emergency?

Recent comments from Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif indicates that the State of Emergency, in effect since Sadat's assassination more than two decades ago, may soon come to an end. Amnesty International, and Egyptian reformers, have long expressed concerned that the provisions under the State of Emergency are at the core of many human rights abuses.

Nazif was quoted last week in an interview with Reuters that the State of Emergency would be lifted once parliament passes a law giving the government adequate resources to fight terrorism. Here's the story from the interview.

Egypt's emergency legislation severely restricts freedom of expression, association and assembly. The Emergency Law (Law No. 162 of 1958 as amended) empowers President Mubarak to impose censorship and to order the closure and confiscation of newspapers on grounds of "public safety" and "national security", and anyone considered "a threat to national security and public order" can be detained indefinitely without charge or trial.

Unfortunately, the prime minister's comments are not necessarily a positive sign. It would not be surprising if the government merely substitutes legislative authority for human rights abuses for its current State of Emergency powers. The focus of the debate can not be simply on eliminating the State of Emergency, but also on the abuses that came from it. Any legislation that extends the government's powers to censor, to detain without charge or trial, to hold incommunicado (increasing the possibility of torture) and the use of extraordinary military or security or emergency courts must be opposed. If this happens, it will be just another example of the Mubarak government's effort to provide sham reform in lieum of the real thing.

2006-03-23T11:10:00.000-08:00

Look to the NGOs

Does the future of Egyptian reform lie with the opposition political parties? Recent events suggest the answer is no.

Last year’s parliamentary elections left only the Muslim Brothers as a significant organized political force, even though its organization remains officially banned. Every other political party is lacking a significant presence in the parliament. Many others are facing leadership problems. Some of these come from undemocratic leadership within the party; in other case, sectarian divisions within the party are worsening the situation.

This is unfortunate, but it has to be added that one thing the Mubarak government has learned to do skillfully is to encourage such divisions in the opposition, through harassment, enticements and other tactics. The prime example is its treatment of Ayman Nour, the leader of al-Ghad (Tomorrow), who went from being runner-up in the presidential race to a five-year jail sentence on forgery charges, charges that appear to be political motivated by the government.

But if we look away from the parties, there is reason for optimism. Look to the NGOs. The judges’ demonstration last week is a timely example of how people outside the political system are not being cowered. As the opposition political parties struggle for survival, the Egyptian tradition of an independent civil society is showing its strength. They too, of course, face harassment, much as do the political parties. It wasn't long ago that one of the important NGO institutions, the el Nadim Center for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Torture and Domestic Violence, was being threatened with being shut down by the government. The hated NGO law is still in force, giving the government incomprehensible authority over their funding, governance and activities.

The strength of the NGOs vs. opposition political parties raises the issue of whether international and U.S. priorities should be for democracy or for human rights. In fact, the need to support the NGOs gives priority to an emphasis on human rights. That can be justified on the basis of where there is a foundation of human rights and civil society, democracy will follow, but the reverse is not necessarily true.

My belief is that the focus of reformers efforts should be to create space and support for the NGOs to do their work. This doesn't mean turning our back on the opposition political parties; but right now civil society work is likely to produce more results.

Here's what a recent article in the Arab Reform Bulletin says about the issue.

Here's what Amnesty International said about civil society in Egypt in 2000.

2006-03-21T17:13:00.000-08:00

Action Item: Academic Detained for Challenging Mainstream Religious Views

An appeal by Amnesty International:

“I demand his release,” said Um Saleh, wife of Mitwalli Ibrahim Mitwalli Saleh. Speaking to AI in July 2005, she explained how her husband had been on hunger strike since June in protest against his continued detention in Wadi El-Natroun prison about 100 km northwest of Cairo. “Mitwalli was not seen by any doctor although he is diabetic and is suffering from high blood pressure,” she said. “For 20 days the prison authorities did not inform the Public Prosecutor about his hunger strike.” His health deteriorated so rapidly that he was transferred to the prison hospital. He is now held at the Al-Wadi al-Gadid prison in southern Egypt.

Mitwalli Ibrahim Mitwalli Saleh, father of three, was arrested on 18 May 2003 at his home in Giza by State Security Intelligence officers following the discovery of his unpublished religious study. The study challenges Islamic scholarly views on apostasy and marriage between Muslim women and non-Muslim men. With degrees in Islamic law and Arabic language, Mitwalli Ibrahim Mitwalli Saleh used the disciplines of linguistics and Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) to refute two opinions common among mainstream Muslim scholars: that it is a religious duty to kill “apostates” who reject Islam, and that a Muslim woman may not marry a non-Muslim man.

Two months after his arrest he was charged with “contempt of the Islamic religion”, a criminal offence under Egypt’s Penal Code carrying a prison sentence of six months to five years.

On 29 October 2003 the prosecution decided to drop the charges and release Mitwalli Ibrahim Mitwalli Saleh. However, the Interior Ministry placed him under administrative detention. Since then, the (Emergency) Supreme State Security Court has ruled seven times in his favour, ordering his release, but none of these decisions has been implemented.

Please write, calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Mitwalli Ibrahim Mitwalli Saleh, who is detained solely on account of his religious beliefs.

Send appeals to:
General Habib Ibrahim El Adly
Minister of the Interior
Ministry of the Interior
Al-Sheikh Rihan Street
Bab al-Louk
Cairo
Egypt
Fax: +20 2 579 2031.
Email: moi@idsc.gov.eg or moi2@idsc.gov.eg or moi1@idsc.gov.eg

2006-03-20T13:46:00.000-08:00

Judges demonstrate for judicial independence

Egypt has a long history of judicial independence, a fact the government has had to get around by using special courts, emergency courts and military courts to bypass the normal and legitimate judiciary. This has led to a number of concerns regarding fair trials in Egypt.

But judges also have another important role in Egypt: ensuring that elections are free and impartial. The government of course has made this an impossible responsibility, but it is one that many of the judges have taken seriously.

Now, several of the judges have decided they have had enough. Friday, members of a group of jurists known as the Judges Club demonstrated in Cairo, calling for greater judicial independence. One of the precipitating events occurred in February, when the government stripped six of the judges of their immunity and ordered that they be interrogated following their criticism of the December elections.

More than 1,000 judges and supporters are estimated to have participated in the demonstration. Some appeared with zippers across their mouths to symbolize the silencing of the judges who voiced criticism of the elections. This is the kind of demonstration that must attract the notice both of the Egyptian government, but also of the American.

2006-03-17T10:22:00.000-08:00

Wise words from an American friend of Egypt

I found in the Middle East Times a column by William Fisher called "How to Lose Friends and Encourage Extremists." Fisher is a former AID official and an associate of a number of leading Egyptian democracy activists. He recounts how he was always proud this time of year when the State Department released its human rights report. His Egyptian colleagues would excitedly read about how the report brought political and moral authority to their cause, denouncing abuses and calling for reform.

No more. The report is still strong on many aspects of human rights and democratic reform, although as I note there's a huge gap when it comes to torture and forcible renditions in the war on terror, especially in incidents in which U.S. officials are implicated.

But to Fisher, what has changed is the moral and political context. The report may be the same, but after Abu Ghraib, European Black Sites, allegations of torture and other malfeasance's, what authority and influcence can we be in to bring to human rights criticism?

Fisher concludes by quoting a Middle Eastern friend: "We used to have someone we could count on to show our leaders how to lead by setting an example of good governance without the iron fist. It was America. Now that's gone. Now, the only people who are motivated by what America is doing are the very people it's trying to defeat - Muslim extremists."

2006-03-15T15:52:00.000-08:00

Amnesty blog ad on torture

Amnesty International recently has paid to post blog ads targeting conservative readers on the issue of torture. (To see the ad, click here.) The ad is bringing comments both from the right, and from the left.

This is a debate the country needs to have. I would respect the president's position a lot more if he made an argument that we needed torture and here are the conditions and the limits. But instead he's trying to derail any discussion by denying that torture is ongoing at the same time our policies fall short of international standards on torture. For example, he accepts the McCain amendment prohibiting torture, but then issues a presidential agreement stating that it doesn't apply to his presidential powers as commander-in-chief in time of war. How can we have a discussion on the subject when he prevents it at every turn?

There may be good arguments for torture. I haven't been convinced by the likes of Charles Krauthammer yet, but at least they are making coherent arguments for it. So, to quote the president, "bring it on."

2006-03-13T13:07:00.000-08:00

Pooh in Egypt

An unusual story appeared recently in the Christian Science Monitor. It's not about human rights, but it still seems appropriate to mention here. The story is about how the US and Egyptian officials are working together to promote literacy in rural Egypt. The program aims to provide libraries of Arabic and English titles to all of Egypt's 38,000 public schools.

Literacy is a huge issue in Egypt, of course. Two thoughts here. One is some will question the use of traditional American and European stories such as "Little House on the Prairie" and "Winnie the Pooh." We should always be skeptical of cultural bias. One of my favorite Duke professors, Ariel Dorfman, made one of his first works an examination of the cultural biases of Disney characters then flooding South and Latin America. That being said, I don't see a downside on this issue. Literacy is too important an issue to ignore, and frankly, the Egyptians need assistance on it. There isn't anyone who has looked at the educational system there and not cried out for any resources to help promote literacy. In this case, the US is doing the right thing.

The second issue is that for all the attention we try to bring to human rights issues, accomplishing our goals in the long term in Egypt and elsewhere require serious attention to cultural, economic and social issues. Literacy is ultimately a human rights issue.

Trying to figure out how human rights organizations can best advance causes such as literacy is actually not an easy job. Amnesty International has struggled with this for almost a decade and will continue to do so. On one hand, we and any HR organization is threatened with spreading itself too thin, particularly at a time of limited resources. We could end up accomplishing nothing or focusing our work in areas where other organizations already are doing good work or in areas where we can't accomplish things. That's an argument for a narrow focus on those issues that we do particularly well.

On the other hand, on literacy, AIDS and other similar issues, all the human rights work seems always precariously in danger of being swept away by tides of social and economic pressures. There are times we seem to repeat the same work over and over with new names and faces at the center, never being able to move forward in a real way because other issues make it impossible.

There's no easy answer. I don't believe human rights organizations should become literacy organizations. But somehow it has to be integrated into the work.

2006-03-11T07:39:00.000-08:00

The Crackdown Continues

Promises of political reform in Egypt seem to drift farther away as we get from the past year's elections. This week, the Muslim Brothers announced more of its members arrested. One of the more notable was a journalist known at the "Brotherhood's Reuters." Abdel Monem Mahmoud surrendered to security forces after the police allegedly surrounded his house and threatened to take his family hostage.

It's the second arrest for Mahmoud. Shortly after the arrest, a government-controlled agency that oversees the nation's printing presses shut down the Afaq Arabia newsweekly which is run by al-Ahrar Party and expresses the views of the Muslim Brotherhood. No reason was given by the government.

All this comes just two days after the U.S. State Department again repeated its claim that Egyptians have little or not ability to affect its government's policies. Around the region, elections are bringing change to the Middle East. But not in Egypt.

The Washington Post notes this week that Gamal Mubarak is taking on yet again more responsibilities in which more and more looks like he is being groomed for power following his father. Says one political commentator about whether Gamal is in line for the presidency, "I don't see anyone who can stop him."

Just a normal week for a country where power remains in the hands of an authoritarian government and the democratic aspirations of the people remain a dream.

2006-03-08T10:06:00.000-08:00

State Department Bashes Egypt's HR Record

The State Department report on Egyptian human rights abuses, came out today. It is a strong one, but with one gaping and significant hole.

As in past years, the report strongly condemns a range of human rights abuses in Egypt. These include torture, deaths in detention, harassment of political opponents and religious and social minorities, limits on freedom of speech and association and issues of impunity related to security forces and police. On these issues, the State Department report is comprehensive and strong. These issues mirror the concerns of Amnesty International.

But there is one a worrisome gap in the report on abuses coming out of the war on terror. Amnesty International has increasingly been concerned that the U.S. government has stood by and in several incidents actively encouraged human rights abuses by Egyptian officials in the war on terror. This is particularly true on the issue of renditions. Here are four cases that Amnesty has raised in this capacity. None of these are mentioned in the State Department report:

Abdulsalam al-Hela: Abdulsalam al-Hela a 34-year old businessman from Sana’a, Yemen. Abdulsalam al-Hela was abducted in Egypt and held in secret detention in Afghanistan before being transferred to Guantánamo Bay, where he remains to this day.

Abu Omar (formerly known as Osama Nasr Mostafa Hassan): according to reports allegedly he was abducted on a street in Milan and allegedly driven to the US air base in Aviano, Italy, where he was interrogated and drugged before being taken to the US military base in Ramstein in Germany. From there he was flown to Egypt, where he was allegedly tortured, including with electric shocks. Although released in 2004 he was rearrested and remains held in an unknown place of detention, there are substantiated reports that he may again be currently detained in Damanhour prison, Egypt, where he may be at risk of torture or ill-treatment.

Mamdouh Habib, Arrested in Pakistan and transferred to Egypt, where he was tortured, then transferred to Guantánamo Bay. After almost three years in Guantánamo, Mamdouh Habib was released on January 28, 2005 and sent to Australia.

Ahmed Agiza and Muhammad El-Zari: Two Egyptian asylum-seekers, Ahmed Hussein Mustafa Kamil ‘Agiza and Muhammad Muhammad Suleiman Ibrahim El-Zari, were deported from Sweden to Egypt in December 2001. The men were bundled onto a US government-leased plane by masked US security agents who had reportedly hooded, shackled and drugged them. The Swedish authorities said they had obtained ‘diplomatic assurances’ from the Egyptian authorities that the two men would not be harmed. They were held incommunicado for five weeks before Swedish diplomats visited them and were allegedly tortured in Egyptian custody.

Obviously, these are just the cases we know of. The secrecy involved in the war on terror can lead us only to guess how many other cases there are. We believe that the failure of the report to stand up to the abuses in the war on terror, even if the U.S. government is complicit, will undermine the credibility and effectiveness of the report. It is hard to condemn torture by Egyptian officials, as the State Department report does, if on the other hand, we are turning over prisoners to them to be tortured. If we are arranging for the secret detention of prisoners, it is hard to condemn the Egyptians for doing the same.

One last issue: The State Department, as in the past, is again quiet on the issue of the death penalty in Egypt. AI believes the death penalty is a human rights abuse and calls upon all nations to end capital punishment.

2006-03-07T09:38:00.000-08:00

The 30-day Dance

More than a dozen members of the Muslim Brothers have been arrested over the past four days, indicating another crackdown on the largest political opposition group in Egypt.

Thus starts a peculiar and tragic dance under the spell of the State of Emergency legislation. It's a typical form of Egyptian harassment, designed to ensure a whiff of legality to blatant authoritarian activity. The prosecutors hold the political opponents for 30 days without charges. That detention can be renewed an unlimited amount of time. Often the prisoners are unaware of the status of their case. On a few occasions, the prisoners aren't even released even in the rare situations in which the courts order their release.

This can gone on for a long time. In the case of Amnesty International-adopted prisoners such as lawyer Abd al-Mun‘im Mohammad al-Srougi, he has been detained since 1990 without any charge at all. In other cases, such as Gihan Ibrahim 'Abd al-Hamid, held for three years on suspicion of being a member of the Islamic Group, she found herself suddenly in an unfair trial without any recourse to an adequate defense.

That's why before there's any serious talk of reform in Egypt, I want to see the government end the State of Emergency. If the 30-day Dance ends, that will be one important sign that real reform is here.

Here's the report on the MB arrests from the Middle East Times:

"Egypt arrested five more members of the Muslim Brotherhood on March 5, a security source said, as the government continued its crackdown on the country's main opposition group. Security forces picked up the five in Giza, near the capital, and Ismailiya, northeast of Cairo, just a day after the banned-but-tolerated group announced the arrest of 11 of its members.

State security prosecution on March 5 charged them with plotting to "revive the group's activities" and ordered that they be detained for 15 days pending further investigations, judicial sources said. The Brotherhood, which fielded candidates as independents in legislative polls last year, won a record number of seats in parliament, taking 88 of the 454 seats up for grabs."

2006-03-06T13:51:00.000-08:00

Have they no shame?

The Mubarak regime's harassment of Ayman Nour has reached a new low. According to a jailhouse interview with Nour in today's Chicago Tribune, the Egyptian government has found a new way to put pressure on the man who came in second place to Mubarak in last year's presidential race: Now they are threatening his wife.

"Last week, as [Nour's wife Gameela] Ismail prepared to travel to Washington on a private trip, she was charged with assaulting a police officer and destruction of property. She canceled her trip," according to the article.

"[She] is accused of beating a policeman so badly at a political rally last year that he need three weeks of medical care. She was also charged with destroying the officer's video camera during the rally. Ismail has denied all the charges."

The charges already have prevented her from attention a conference on women and democracy in the Middle East.

Of course, harassing family members of political opponents isn't new. Family members of Islamists have routinely been detained in hopes of convincing wanted men to surrender. Others have been arrested simply for their association with suspects.

Routinely, the arrest of these individuals are accompanied by a vicious campaign of disinformation in the government-controlled press. This was what happened to Nour and to Saad Ibrahim. The attack is complete and ruinous. Nour's political career is probably over, and now his two children are faced with the loss of their mother as well as their father.

At the end of the interview, Gameela makes a statement that should stand at the Mubarak motto: "If you are the opposition, they want to eat you."

2006-03-02T17:56:00.000-08:00

Forcing Democracy?

Robert Kaplan, a writer I admire, has started some talk with a column in today's Post called "We Can't Force Democracy." It is an argument for caution, claiming that destablizing undemocratic regimes, particularly in the Middle East, does the cause of the region and of democracy no favor. "Stabilizing newly democratic regimes, and easing the development path of undemocratic ones, should be the goal for our military and diplomatic establishments. The more cautious we are in a world already in the throes of tumultuous upheaval, the more we'll achieve."

It is an argument that isn't wrong. It is one, however, that misses the main issues facing democracy activists in the region.

Let's start with the premise. It's not clear at all that America is "forcing" democracy on the region. Our efforts seem to consist of a few bucks thrown to democracy activists in some interesting initiatives and some bully pulpit statements from the president. Taking Egypt as an example, if there is an example of the U.S. government having any kind of wrestling match with the Mubarak regime on any political issue of real importance to Mubarak, I'm missing it. If there is any example of the U.S. forcing the Mubarak regime to change its policy on any domestic policy of importance, I'm missing it. The State of Emergency is still in effect, the last I checked. Torture remains systemmatic. Political opponents and religious and cultural minorities remain jailed and harassed. And while there have been strong pro-democracy statements coming out of the White House, they have been counter-balanced by policies, such as renditions of Egyptians, that actually encourage human rights abuses.

No, any progress for democracy in the region has come from the internal work of activists there. That's true in Lebanon, Palestine and Egypt. If change continues to come, it will be again because of the work they are doing. Kaplan's biggest flaw in his argument is the narrow concentration on what Washington is doing. We are blind to the work of the activists in these countries. We don't know their names or where they have come from or what they want. A few names from Egypt -- Saad Ibrahim and Ayman Nour, for example -- get thrown out into the U.S. press at a moment of crisis, as if they have sponteanously appeared, regardless of the decades of accomplishments and efforts and ignoring the many other people doing similar work.
It stands to reason that these people would be more effective because they, unlike the U.S. government, pose a real threat to the Middle East regimes. Not an immediate threat, but a future one, one that can be seen. I keep hearing about how much aid we give these countries and it should be used as leverage. I don't see it. We don't give that much, we never take it away, and if we did, the people would suffer rather than the government. It is little matter to the Mubarak regime.

I don't want to exaggerate the power of the democracy activists -- although the ability of those in Lebanon to bring a change of government was truly breathtaking. In Egypt, the government holds most of the strength. But people there are learning how to use the tools they have, as we have seen in the past election, and this clearly frightened the Mubarak regime into acting. If there is one group that we can count on being cautious in introducing democracy in the Middle East, it is the regimes themselves.

You are right, Robert Kaplan; the United States can't and shouldn't force democracy in the region. But neither can it stop it.